Thesis (doctoral), Universität, Düsseldorf, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 245-257).

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper presents from the thesis that the Right to Development in a broad sense correctly nurtured in national law and international instruments, the opposite sense, does not lend itself to protect properly and effectively the various dimensions of which it is based. This law as post is distorted losing its essence to bow to the capitalist system of which it is part. This distortion of the Right to Development away from the ideal of Justice and gives rise to social and environmental context its major conflicts and injustices. Thus arises, given the gravity and considerable increase in social and environmental injustices and inequalities and the difficulty of resolving the legal post-conflict social Development, Environment and Society, an irremediable question: To what extent it is possible to achieve the ideal of Social and Environmental Justice without denying the Right to Development? It is established from then on the need to analyze the relationship between justice (social) environmental and (sustainable) development in the construction of a new environmental paradigm. To develop the theme, is used as the method of approach and procedure Dialectics. Structured through literature, and manipulated through production of reviews, abstracts and fichamentos work is composed in three parts, constituents of the dialectic such question, namely the Thesis, Antithesis and Synthesis. The first chapter presents the thesis statement as originally given, in the sense that, from a legal point of view, the development is a fundamental right. This law, in the context of a balance of power in the economic and political field became named "sustainable development", multidimensional concept that became part of numerous legal documents in the international and national level. The second chapter in antithesis to the first, opposes the thesis initially given, is that the reality points to the fact that the incorporation of the concept of sustainable development in different spheres: economic, political and legal has not realized to ensure justice in two dimensions: social and environmental - that is - a Social and Environmental Justice. Finally, the third chapter in the Synthesis dialectical conflict worked in the previous two chapters, the elements of this clash seeking the unity of the conflict for the construction of a new thesis work it, which is, that the social and environmental justice must be a (new) paradigm to unify both struggles for the right to sustainable development and to incorporate new dimensions to justice. / Este trabalho apresenta-se a partir da tese de que o Direito ao Desenvolvimento latu sensu devidamente tutelado no ordenamento jurídico nacional e nos instrumentos internacionais, a contrário senso, não se presta a tutelar devida e eficazmente as diversas dimensões do qual se fundamenta. Este direito tal como posto se desvirtua perdendo sua essência para se curvar ao sistema capitalista do qual faz parte. Este desvirtuamento do Direito ao Desenvolvimento o afasta do ideal de Justiça e enseja em âmbito Social e Ambiental seus principais conflitos e injustiças. Surge assim, diante da gravidade e aumento considerável de injustiças e desigualdades socioambientais, bem como da dificuldade de dirimir o posto conflito jurídico-social entre Desenvolvimento, Meio Ambiente e Sociedade, uma irremediável indagação: Em que medida é possível atingir o ideal de Justiça Socioambiental sem negar o Direito ao Desenvolvimento? Estabelece-se a partir de então a necessidade de analisar a relação entre justiça (sócio) ambiental e desenvolvimento (sustentável) na construção de um novo paradigma socioambiental. Para desenvolver o tema proposto, utiliza-se como do método de abordagem e procedimento a Dialética. Estruturada através de pesquisa bibliográfica, e instrumentalizada por intermédio de produção de resenhas, resumos e fichamentos o trabalho compõe-se em três grandes partes, constituintes da dialética questão posta, quais sejam a Tese, Antítese e Síntese. O primeiro capítulo apresenta a Tese como afirmação inicialmente dada, no sentido de que, do ponto de vista jurídico, o desenvolvimento é um direito fundamental. Este direito, no contexto de uma correlação de forças no campo econômico e político passou a ser nomeado de desenvolvimento sustentável , conceito pluridimensional que passou a integrar inúmeros documentos jurídicos na esfera internacional e nacional. O segundo capítulo em Antítese ao primeiro, se opõe à tese inicialmente dada, é a de que a realidade aponta para o fato de que a incorporação do conceito de desenvolvimento sustentável nas diferentes esferas: econômico, política e jurídica não tem dado conta de garantir a justiça na sua dupla dimensão: social e ambiental ou seja - uma Justiça Socioambiental. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo, em Síntese ao conflito dialético trabalhado nos dois capítulos anteriores, trabalham-se os elementos desse embate buscando a unidade do conflito para a construção de uma nova tese, qual seja, a de que a justiça socioambiental deve ser um (novo) paradigma a unificar tanto as lutas pelo direito a um desenvolvimento sustentável como para incorporar novas dimensões à Justiça.

This study takes a deeper look into the apologies the Dutch state made in 2021 for the role of The Netherlands in the history of slavery. This was done by the presentation of seven speeches by seven members of the Dutch government in the national archives in the European and the Caribbean part of the Dutch Kingdom. By means of a critical discourse analysis with a discourse-historical approach, we examined the different discourses in the speeches and the power relations that are hidden in them. The aim of the study is therefore to map out the different discourses within the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government and to track the power relations that are present in them. This is done by answering the following research questions: Q1. What are the dominant discourses in the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government for the state's role in the history of slavery?; Q1.1 What power relations can be found in the dominant discourses of the seven apology speeches of the Dutch government for the state's role in the history of slavery? Taken as a whole, the speeches show a willingness to take responsibility, but they also point towards the former colonization and the power relations that stand until this day.

Cette thèse théorique mobilise les perspectives anti-oppressives et le cadre théorique des injustices épistémiques afin d’explorer les différents rapports de pouvoir en recherche découlant de la position privilégiée de certain.es chercheur.euses en travail social vis-à-vis des groupes marginalisés. Ces rapports de pouvoir sont souvent la source de dommages épistémiques et affectent la pleine participation des personnes marginalisées et la reconnaissance de leurs savoirs dans la production de connaissances concernant leurs réalités. Face à cette problématique, cette thèse vise à répondre à la question suivante : Quelles sont les réflexions épistémologiques et les actions que peuvent entreprendre les chercheur.euses privilégié.es envers les groupes marginalisés afin d’éviter de leur nuire et de nuire à la production de connaissances les concernant ? L’objectif principal est d’offrir une réflexion épistémologique sur les différentes formes de privilèges épistémiques dans la recherche en travail social et sur leurs répercussions sur les groupes marginalisés, ainsi que sur la production de connaissances concernant leurs réalités et leurs besoins. Cet objectif transversal est complété par les six objectifs spécifiques suivants : 1) Proposer une réflexion épistémologique sur les différents types de savoirs (ex. : savoirs experts, savoirs expérientiels) et leur hiérarchisation dans les recherches en travail social ; 2) Mettre en valeur les apports heuristiques des savoirs, des expériences et des vécus des groupes marginalisés dans la recherche en travail social ; 3) Encourager les étudiant.es et les professeur.es en travail social en position de privilège à entamer ou à poursuivre une introspection et une réflexion critique quant au pouvoir qu’occupent leurs savoirs à propos des groupes marginalisés ; 4) Favoriser la co-construction des savoirs entre chercheur.euses privilégié.es et groupes marginalisés dans le but de mieux refléter les réalités et besoins des groupes marginalisés ; 5) Offrir des réflexions quant aux manières de mener des recherches qui permettent d’éviter certains dommages épistémiques, notamment au moyen des recherches participatives et des recherches théoriques anti-oppressives ; 6) Entamer une discussion sur les actions à prendre en tant que chercheur.euses en position de privilège afin d’assurer l’inclusion et la valorisation des savoirs et des vécus des groupes marginalisés dans les universités. À l’aide d’une méthodologie fondée sur un examen critique de la littérature et une analyse thématique, cette thèse permet de mettre en lumière les différents mécanismes et discriminations sur les plans individuels et structurels qui peuvent causer des dommages en recherche et qui écartent les savoirs marginalisés et critiques dans la production de connaissances, ce qui est considéré comme l’épistémicide de ces savoirs. Les réflexions présentées dans cette thèse s’inscrivent dans une démarche de recherches sur l’élite et d’études sur les privilèges, où l’accent est mis sur nos propres pratiques en tant que chercheur.euses privilégié.es et non sur les groupes marginalisés.

This paper explores the issue of reparation and how institutionalized racism in the United States has influenced the outcome for the following ethnic groups - Japanese Americans, Black Americans and Native Americans.

The moderation function of in-group status position on the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention was tested in a 2 (group-based guilt: low versus high) x 2 (status loss: weak versus strong) factorial between-subjects design, using an online survey software program named Qualtrics. The target population was white South African undergraduate students born after 1988 and registered at the University of South Africa. The results of the first Experiment confirmed the hypothesis, that the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention becomes less significant the more participants perceive a loss of status for their in-group. However, the hypothesis could not be confirmed in Experiment 2. The results are presented and discussed in detail / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

The purpose of this study is to examine the opinions of the land reform by the young population in Stellenbosch, South Africa. So far, the land reform that was implemented already in 1994, has not proven to be effective on the country’s huge inequality of land ownership between the black and white population. The white minority still own the majority of the land, due to historical injustices that developed through colonisation of South Africa and during the apartheid rule.  Since 2014, the discussions of the land reform have got more attention, both nationally and internationally, due to a new policy proposal called land expropriation without compensation. The objective of the thesis were therefore to gain an understanding on the perception of the land reform by both black and white people. To accomplish this, semi-structured individual interviews were conducted with seven people from black ethnicities and seven people from white ethnicities. The interviews were outlined to analyse how grievance would be affected by the land reform, as well as if the respondents answers differed due to homogeneous characteristics. The main results from this research was that there were no indication on that the level of relative deprivation would be affected by the land reform. Although, the majority of the respondents stressed the importance of the land reform to be given the right support and attention by the government in order to be successful. This could in turn be seen as problematic whereas most of them did not express much trust for the government. In addition, the perception by the land reform could generally not be interconnected to a certain background characteristics. The answers to both of the research questions could be explained by the uncertainty about the implementation of the land reform.

The moderation function of in-group status position on the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention was tested in a 2 (group-based guilt: low versus high) x 2 (status loss: weak versus strong) factorial between-subjects design, using an online survey software program named Qualtrics. The target population was white South African undergraduate students born after 1988 and registered at the University of South Africa. The results of the first Experiment confirmed the hypothesis, that the relationship between group-based guilt and reparation intention becomes less significant the more participants perceive a loss of status for their in-group. However, the hypothesis could not be confirmed in Experiment 2. The results are presented and discussed in detail / Psychology / M.A. (Psychology)

<p>Rehabilitacija kao pojam u pravu, izuzetno je slojevita i vi&scaron;eznačna. Tako je, jedan od ciljeva ove disertacije upravo sagledavanje upotrebe termina rehabilitacija, prevashodno u krivičnom pravu, uz nastojanje da se instituti koji se isto nazivaju, međusobno uporede i ra&scaron;člane. U tradicionalnom smislu pod rehabilitacijom se podrazumevaju dva instituta koji pripadaju krivičnom materijalnom odnosno krivičnom procesnom pravu, te treća, ne&scaron;to novijeg porekla, rehabilitacija lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga.</p><p>U disertaciji se obrađuju pitanja pravnih posledica osude, ali i upisa osude u kaznene evidencije, te njihovo brisanje odnosno poni&scaron;tavanje rehabilitacijom. Takođe, radi diferencijacije u odnosu na specijalnu, odvojeno su analizirane redovna i vanredna, kao u teoriji krivičnog prava tradicionalni pojmovi rehabilitacije osnovano, odnosno neosnovano osuđenih lica. Treći i četvrti deo rada posvećeni su specijalnoj rehabilitaciji osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga. U trećem delu obrađuju se uporednopravni i međunarodnopravni aspekti specijalne rehabilitacije na evropskom kontinentu, sa kojim na&scaron; pravni sistem uglavnom deli srodnu pravnu tradiciju, ali ovde značajnije od toga, deli i zajedničko istorijsko iskustvo iz perioda totalitarizma. Četvrti deo bavi se specijalnom rehabilitacijom u srpskom pravu, odvojeno posmatrajući re&scaron;enja prvog i drugog zakona o rehabilitaciji. Poslednji deo rada posvećen je upravo istraživanju sudske prakse specijalne rehabilitacije, koje je obuhvatilo ukupno 4.189 re&scaron;enja o specijalnoj rehabilitaciji, koja se odnose na 5.402 lica. Uzorak je obuhvatio re&scaron;enja, sa manjim ili većim odstupanjima, svih sudova na teritoriji Srbije u periodu od 2006. do 2016. godine, obuhvatajući svih deset godina primene dva zakona o specijalnoj rehabilitaciji.</p><p>&Scaron;iri, dru&scaron;tveni značaj zaključaka o rehabilitaciji lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga ogleda se u činjenici da svi nosioci vlasti moraju imati u vidu da zloupotreba prava u cilju ustanovljavanja vlasti jedne ideologije, ne može biti solidan temelj države. Krivično pravo je moćan mehanizam, ali se upravo zato mora voditi računa kako se koristi, i u kojoj meri je podobno sredstvo za svojevrsnu reviziju istorije. Unapređenjem i pobolj&scaron;avanjem procesa rehabilitacije lica osuđenih iz političkih ili ideolo&scaron;kih razloga suzbija se političko manihejstvo i potencijalno usporava lanac podela u dru&scaron;tvu koje razaraju srpsko nacionalno biće.</p> / <p>Rehabilitation as a legal concept is extremely complex and multifaceted. Consequently, one of the goals of this dissertation is to grasp the meaning of the term rehabilitation, primarily within the criminal law context, and in doing so to try to examine and dissect various legal terms that are often given similar meaning. Traditionally, the rehabilitation refers to two principles of substantive and procedural criminal law, and as the third, to the rehabilitation of a person convicted for political or ideological reasons.<br />In terms, here we makes the distinction between ordinary, extraordinary, and special rehabilitation. The ordinary rehabilitation refers to rehabilitation of justly convicted persons, after certain period of time has lapsed, since the time they have served their punishment, provided they have improved their behavior. The term extraordinary, rehabilitation refers to rehabilitation of person wrongfully convicted or detained.<br />The term special rehabilitation is defined as annulment, based on a special law, of a court or administrative decision that served as a basis for conviction or deprivation of rights of a person for political or ideological reasons, or declaration that a person was deprived of rights without a decision of a state organ. The scope of application of the special rehabilitation is very wide and uncharted. First of all, the very legal nature of this type of rehabilitation is completely undefined, hence, causing considerable confusion among the legal profession, and leaving the general public entirely bemused. A completely distorted impression surrounds rehabilitation of political convicts, not only among general public, but also among the legal profession, and even within academic circles, which is even more dangerous. A wrong image was created, most likely due to rehabilitation of several well-known political convicts that the rehabilitation means to rehabilitate the figure and work, i.e. political activities, of a certain individual. We are of the opinion that a completely wrong perception of the goals, as well as, the possibilities of the special rehabilitation was created and that is fully reflects the fact that the lawmakers where not sure themselves about the legal nature and certain aspects of this special rehabilitation. It seems that jurisprudence, as well as courts desperately need answers to numerous questions concerning this type of rehabilitation, and legal principles associated with it.<br />This dissertation covers issues of legal consequences of conviction, registration of conviction in a person&rsquo;s criminal record, and the expungement or annulment by means of rehabilitation, of such conviction. Also, in order to differentiate special rehabilitation from other types of rehabilitation, we have offered a separate analysis of the ordinary and extraordinary rehabilitation, as the latter two are traditionally associated with rehabilitation of justly and generally wrongfully convicted persons. The third and fourth<br />chapter of this dissertation are dedicated to the special rehabilitation of persons convicted for political and ideological reasons. The third chapter deals with comparative and international law aspects of the special rehabilitation in Europe, since our legal system shares, to a considerable extent, common legal tradition with the rest of the European continent, as well as, a common historic experience of the totalitarian period. In the fourth chapter, we explored the special rehabilitation in the Serbian legal system by providing distinct analysis of norms of the first and the second law on rehabilitation. The final chapters of this dissertation are dedicated to the research of case law dealing with the special rehabilitation. The research covered 4.189 decisions on special rehabilitation that involved 5.402 persons. The research sample included decisions, with minor deviations, from all the courts within the territory of the Republic of Serbia in the period between 2006 and 2016, thereby covering the entire ten-year period of application of two laws regulating special rehabilitation. Each rehabilitation decision was examined based on more than fifty criteria. Consequently, the research provides data, concerning persons seeking rehabilitation, i.e. composition of rehabilitated persons based on various personal criteria; moreover shows the time, place and organ of a political conviction; regulations and specific criminal and other offences on which the conviction rests; criminal sanctions that were used, etc.<br />Wider, social significance of a decision on rehabilitation of a person convicted for political or ideological reasons lies in a fact that all agents entrusted with governmental authority must bear in mind that miscarriage of justice with a purpose of establishing government of a certain ideology does not serve as a solid cornerstone on which the state may be founded. Criminal law is a powerful mechanism, and it is precisely for that reason that it must be used cautiously and to the extent, it is an appropriate mechanism to serve the process of revision of history. By advancing and improving the process of rehabilitation of persons convicted for political and ideological reasons, we curb the political Manichaeism and potentially slow down the process of division that is eroding the Serbian society.</p>

Scholars are often studying emojis as pure visual elements or as essential textual parts. Theories in this study bridge these subfields and examine emojis in both fields. This bridging understanding of emojis is applied to hashtag activism in the discursive Black Lives Matter debate to increase the comprehension of the impact of emojis. Emojis can be used in various hashtag activism as reinforcing visual elements that help put a figurative meaning to political movements. Emojis can also be used to change the intonation or meanings in computer-mediated communication and thereby be essential for understanding the textual meaning as a whole. The study is conducted with quantitative content analysis of tweets relating to two, here considered oppositional, hashtags; #blacklivesmatter and #alllivesmatter with the aim of receiving a comprehension of how the support of emojis affect the written statements. The study presents results and a thorough discussion that brings the conclusion of emojis having an immense impact, as both visual and textual support on the tweets written in this political online debate. / Forskare studerar ofta emojis som rena visuella element eller som väsentliga textdelar. Teorier i denna studie överbryggar dessa delfält och undersöker emojis inom båda områdena. Denna överbryggande förståelse för emojis tillämpas på hashtag-aktivism i den diskursiva Black Lives Matter-debatten för att öka förståelsen om påverkan av emojis. Emojis kan användas i olika sorters hashtag-aktivism som förstärkande visuella element som hjälper till att sätta en figurativ betydelse på politiska rörelser. Emojis kan också användas för att ändra intonationen eller betydelsen i datormedierad kommunikation och därmed vara avgörande för att förstå den textuella innebörden som helhet. Studien genomförs med kvantitativ innehållsanalys av tweets relaterade till två, här betraktade som oppositionella hashtags; #blacklivesmatter och #alllivesmatter i syfte att få en förståelse för hur emojis påverkar de skriftliga yttrandena. Studien presenterar resultat och en grundlig diskussion som drar slutsatsen att emojis har en enorm påverkan, både som ett visuellt och textuellt stöd på tweets skrivna i denna politiska online-debatt.