The focus of this study is to analyze the relationship of change in Thailand¡¦s southern policy and separatist movements, or the relationship between the Bangkok regime¡¦s policies toward Malay-Muslims in southern Thailand and the Separatist Movement. The research approach is to explain the root causes for Malay-Muslim in southern Thailand in armed resistance against the central government, moderation and radical periods in the Separatist Movement. According to historical institutionalism, the process of institutional and historical development is a ¡§punctuated equilibrium,¡¨ and historical contexts evolve according to ¡§path dependency.¡¨ Except when crises in the external environmental changes cause ¡§punctuated equilibria,¡¨ it would basically cause those in power to establish new coping strategies that cause change or collapse to the old system. In late 19th century, expansion by the English and French colonialism and imperialism in Indochina caused King Chulalongkorn to accelerate reform in national territorialization and power centralization. In turn, the Kingdom of Patani was transformed from a vassal state to a province in southern Siam, ending the power of Malay Rajas, which motivated the historical origins of southern Thailand separatism. A review of the Thai historical development found that, after Chulalongkorn the crises in external environmental change frequently lead the ruling regime in Bangkok to establish new southern Thailand policies. In sum, the external environmental changes in the temporal sequence of colonial empires fighting for their interests against each other, threat of the Communist Party, Democratization, Globalization and war on counter-terrorism affected the new southern policies of Thailand by Rama VI, Phibun Songkram, Sarit Thanarat, Thanom Kittikachorn, Prem Tinsulanonda, and Thaksin Shinawatra. It is also intimately connected to the radicalism or moderation of the Malay-Muslim Separatist Movement.

There isn¡¦t any clear definition on the discussion of Local Democracy. There are some similar concepts that are easily confused with us, such as local government, local autonomy, localism, and local democracy¡Ketc. Therefore, it¡¦s necessary to clear and find out the relationship among them. In addition, the dichotomy of democracy in the UK polity is particularly conspicuous in relation to local government. Consequently, The challenge is that how we apply the theories to the reality. I will use the approach of historical institutionalism to illustrate the development of UK local democracy. Meanwhile, it¡¦s reasonable to base a normative theory of local government or local democracy on the concept of ¡¥limited democracy.¡¦ In the light of the complexity of local government levels, I will focus my study on England. Case study and document analysis will be the research method of this essay. The process of history should be included six stages. I will make a brief analysis on the institution, actors, and events of each stage. After that, I will synthesize the path and its relationship with the change of voters¡¦ attitudes. The research results included: As for UK polity, although local democracy is the catch phrase of New Labour¡¦s programme for local government, it should not be an unfamiliar concept. The concept of local democracy doesn¡¦t necessarily equate to local autonomy; to some extent, the interdependence between them cannot be ignored. The path of UK local democracy tends to step from the theoretical model of localism to economy and efficiency. When we observe the low turnout of UK local election recent years, the voters¡¦ apathy has been a social normal phenomenon. The reality seems to undermine the immutable and sacrosanct place for democracy in the institutions of local government. However, are the things ostensibly unreasonable really bad? From the enlightenment of the approach of historical institutionalism, the voters have been incorporated into UK polity. Under the constraint of UK polity, they play the role of ¡¥maximizing satisfiers¡¦, unless major issues. In a word, if we want to learn from the lesson of UK local democracy, we have to rethink it again and again. And then, we may have an audit of the health of local democracy in Britain

Since the opening of economic reform in 1978, mainland China's national power as a whole has been greatly enhanced with more than two decades of economic development. Under the impact of such events as the First Persian Gulf War, the Kosovo War, global anti-terrorist attacks following the 9/11/01 Attacks on America, and the Second Persian Gulf War, mainland China has thus reconstructed its viewpoint of international as well as regional security. This thesis aims to inspect, from the perspective of international regime, China's policy towards UN peacekeeping operations and apply the rationale of Neo-liberal Institutionalism ( which is based on international regime theory ) to explaining and analyzing the evolution of China's peacekeeping policy. China's policy has made a drastic impact on current international relations, involving peace and stability not just of Asian-Pacific but of cross-Strait relations. Due to the two-handed strategy adopted in dealing with ongoing cross-Strait issues, China has always shown reluctance to renounce the use of military force on Taiwan up to the present. As a result, cross-Strait security is now being threatened from enormous military stress. Hopefully, both sides of the Taiwan Strait can resolve existing political conflicts by taking peaceful means. However, in the face of such threats from China's abrupt rise as well as having its veto exercised by force in the UN Security Council and then proceeding to play a zero-sum game in which pure competitions in foreign affairs are doomed to become intensified, I'm deeply convinced that, through peacekeeping operations as well as coordination and cooperation between regional/international organizations ( as they are probed into in the thesis ), possible cross-Strait conflicts can be reduced to a great extent.

This text attempts to compare twp power elites how they obtain power within the historical framework of Han dynasty¡Aand how they got prosper within the political development of Han dynasty. That is, the political tradition and institution, how the two actors got close relations with the historical frames of Han dynasty. The historical institutionalism, being the school of New institutionalism, try to catch a clear mark of power elites and meaningful events, so we can have clear idea of Han history, because we are using a useful approach to study the political development of Han history. We think the most basic rule of ancient Chinese history is one man rule. Wang Mang use the popular concept of correlative cosmology, the school of yin and yang, to break one man rule of ancient Chinese history. But things are not exactly the same of eastern Han. Cao Cao has to fight to survive, because the rule of correlative cosmology was not working so well in eastern Han.

Women's athletics regularly receives less media coverage than men's athletics, and female athletes are often portrayed in ways that de-emphasize their athletic abilities. Previous researchers have suggested that increasing the number of women who work in sports media might improve coverage for female athletes. Ten women sportswriters who work at daily newspapers were interviewed to explore how they perceived covering women's sports. Most of the sportswriters said that they did not feel any preference toward covering women's athletics. They said they were more interested in finding good stories to write than pursuing stories based on gender. The sportswriters also suggested that men's sports received more coverage because sports fans were more interested in men's sports. Most of the women said that their bosses do not expect women to cover womenâ s sports because of their gender, but that newspapers' use of the beat system encourages sportswriters of both sexes to cover the top men's professional sports and college football. The widespread use of beats to cover sports and the acknowledgement of what sports constitute the top beats suggests that the profession and the larger field of sports journalism can influence what sports sportswriters want to cover. Organizational culture, new institutionalism, and Bourdieu's field theory can help explain how the sportswriting profession and sports media practices influence sportswriters' decisions on what sports are desirable to cover.

Political party is a outcome of modern democracy states. Political party is also the way of the operation of the modern democracy states. Philippines is the first state of the southeast Asia states to carry out democratic politics, but along with the political strongman that Ferdinard Macos declared the martial law, the democracy in Philippines turned back the wheel of history. Although Mrs. Corazon Aquino won the president election with the people's power in 1986, she renewed Philippines to make new constitution, and made it go back the democratic regime. However, the democratic regime of Philippines had been destroyed by Ferdinard Macos. In the past decades, stability of two-party system in Philippines had been disappeared. That has the name of ¡udemocracy shadow¡vof Philippines, frailty democracy is obviously. After Taiwan declared the martial law ended, the development of parties in Taiwan mushroomed, the transition of party-system from one dominant party system to multi-party system, the development in the future will bend toward the stable two-party system. Under the foundation of near time point that Philippines and Taiwan' democratic development, what are the diversity of parties of two states after the democratic development, we will compare with the similarities and dissimilarities on the Philippines and Taiwan's Parties, including party-system, party structure and the impact on party of electoral system, discussing and analyzing the reasons. By the institutionalism approach , we observe the influence on the parties and political environment. Eventually, we will make compares, induction and analysis on the character and tendency in the future on parties of two states.

Mano pasirinktas tikslas buvo - išnagrinėti nuosavybės teisių į žemę atkūrimo proceso problematiką Kauno mieste. Šiam tikslui įgyvendinti, siekiau: išnagrinėti Lietuvos Respublikos teisės aktus įstatymus reglamentuojančius nuosavybės teisių į žemę atkūrimą Lietuvoje ir Kauno mieste, jų raidą; išnagrinėti administracinę atsakomybę už nuosavybės teisių į žemę atkūrimą Lietuvoje ir Kaune, Ištirti praktines problemas, kylančias taikant teisės aktus ir įstatymus, reglamentuojančius nuosavybės teisių į žemę atkūrimą bei ištirti nuosavybės teisių į žemę atkūrimo proceso administravimą Kaune. Siekiant įgyvendinti šiuos uždavinius šiame darbe buvo naudoti aprašomasis, atvejo analizės bei kokybinis tyrimo metodas pritaikant struktūruoto interviu, taip pat buvo atlikta išsami teisės aktų ir įstatymų, reglamentuojančių nuosavybės teisių atkūrimą į žemę, analizė. / My purpose was to inspect the process problematic of property restitution of land in Kaunas. Accordingly I was seeking: to explore all legislation which is coherent to my theme; to inspect the administrative responsibilities of institutions which are implementing the property restitution of land, also, I wanted to explore all the practical problems, which emerged due bad legislation, corruption or other matters and finally I wanted to inspect the process of property restitution of land in Kaunas. That I could obtain my goals, in had to inspect all legislation coherent to property restitution of Land in Lithuania, also I had to analyze all the rules of government institutions coherent to my theme, press articles and I had to do qualitative analysis using interview.

Why did the people of New Brunswick fail to accept the agreement between the governments of New Brunswick and Québec to sell NB Power to Hydro-Québec? This research seeks to answer that question by examining the arguments both for and against the proposed sale of NB Power using historical institutionalism. It determines that NB Power is on two concurrent paths that are linked, yet distinct. This research then determines that the agreement to sell NB Power was a critical juncture that failed, since it was never finalized, but succeeded in creating a new momentum for change in New Brunswick.

This thesis addresses the relationship between formal and informal institutions in the European Parliament from a new institutionalist perspective. This is done in order to fulfill the aims of the thesis, which are: (1) to broaden our understanding of informal institutions and institutional change in the EP as well as (2) develop our understanding of the new institutionalist approaches: rational choice institutionalism, sociological institutionalism and historical institutionalism. The method of analysis is qualitative and the main material consists of 14 interviews with Swedish members and former members of the 4th to the 7th EP. The empirical investigation shows that the EP should be interpreted as institutionalized, but some informal institutional changes have, however, occurred due to changes in formal institutions. The enlargements and treaty changes have changed not only how the parliamentarians work in informal network, but also the internal selection procedures of the rapporteur and the internal view on the EP versus the European Commission and the Council of Ministers. The two central claims of this thesis are: (1) that new institutionalist approaches go well together and should be used parallel in order to get a comprehensive understanding of political phenomena and, (2) that the EP is characterized both by institutionalization and informal institutional changes and that these interplay with each other.

Since the signing of the Treaty of Paris in 1951, the European Union has emerged from a limited economic confederation to a supranational federal polity. There is, however, little work based in federal theory that seeks to understand the European Union as a federation nor the process by which that was achieved. Federal theory gives us two means of understanding federal government – federalism as techne and as telos. Federalism as techne informs us of the institutions and structures involved in federal governance. Federalism as telos provides the ideas, norms and values of federalism. Thus it is possible to speak of the federal idea (telos) and the institutions that embody it (techne).The process of federalisation of the European Union has seen the separation of these strands. Federal ideas do not necessarily lead to federal governance regimes; federal governance outcomes are not necessarily based on federal ideas. The European Union has adopted, over time, federal governance structures due to pragmatic concerns with institutional efficiency, bargain implementation, defection from agreement, and the equality of member states. The institutions created by the member states have themselves contributed to the federalisation process. Rarely has the federalisation process moved forward due to a belief in the value of federation itself.