Upprorsbekämpning är en stor del av den militära verksamheten och har varit ett hett ämne under de senaste åren. Upprorsbekämpning har genomförts tidigare och det har skrivits teorier om detta. Galula är en av de mest kända inom ämnet och skrev sin teori 1964. Storbritannien har också varit aktiva inom detta ämne och hanterat flera uppror, vilket medfört att de även har en välutvecklad COIN doktrin från 2009. Tiderna förändras och även upproren förändras, ny teknik gör upprorsbekämpning mer komplicerad och bekämpningen av dem måste styras av insurgenternas beteenden. Det finns tydliga likheter mellan dessa två teorier, men Storbritanniens COIN doktrin har en mer moderniserad syn på upprorsbekämpning genom planering och förberedelser, vilket även stöds av ny forskning.

In this paper, I discuss how I planned to implement an Insurgent Research methodology articulated by Métis scholar, Adam Gaudry in his article “Insurgent Research.” I organized my historic Métis community using an insurgent research model as methodology along with storytelling, community meetings and ‘kitchen table’ discussions to challenge the narrative set in motion by the justice system for San Clara and Boggy Creek Manitoba. I briefly discuss a 2011 court decision, R v Langan, that denied the traditional and re-emergent identity of San Clara. I implemented a community-based co-researcher model grounded in a culture of mutual respect and relationship building to push back against this decision. I include scholarly writings that recommend recording local histories and community and family relationships. / February 2017

Book Summary: This work is the fourth Small Wars Journal anthology focusing on radical Sunni Islamic terrorists and insurgent groups. It covers this professional journals writings for 2016 and is a compliment to the earlier Global Radical Islamist Insurgency anthologies that were produced as Vol. I: 2007-2011 (published in 2015) and Vol. II: 2012-2014 (published in 2016) and Jihadi Terrorism, Insurgency, and the Islamic State spanning 2015 (published in 2017). This anthology, which offers well over 900 pages of focused analysis, follows the same general conceptual breakdown as the earlier works and is divided into two major thematic sectionsone focusing on Al Qaeda and Islamic state activities in 2016 and the other focusing on US-Allied policies and counterinsurgent strategies.

This thesis seeks to understand collective practices of urban grassroots, rationalities behind the practices and their potential role in urban politics. The study used insurgent planning and co-production frameworks to highlight practices of the studied organization and adopted theories about relationship between the local and the global. The thesis addressed questions about collective practices for building self-reliance, practices that aim to directly engage the state and how being part of an international network of slum dwellers shapes the collective practices of the local organization. The research is based upon a case study of Zambian Homeless and Poor People’s Federation. The empirical data was collected during two months of fieldwork in Zambia using observations and semi-structured interviews. The results indicate that the studied organization uses elements of both insurgent planning and co-production in its practices. The federation starts with self-help and building financial assets to continue with practices aimed at engaging the state. The results suggest that, as an affiliate of an international network, the federation is influenced by the flow of ideas in the network and that the international cooperation has potential implications for the local urban politics.

My research explores the concept of visual art as a form of critical inquiry and the gallery as a site for critical dialogue and social change. I argue that art galleries can be spaces of change and can be used to mount a critique of contemporary society’s dominant narrative of neoliberalism that is being incorporated into our public and private lives. Art galleries are public spheres for civil society that offer citizens opportunities to engage in debate on contemporary issues, where we can expose ourselves to new ideas, stimulate our minds, and explore other ways of knowing and becoming agents of change. My investigation takes the form of researching, developing, and presenting an exhibition of selected photographs as part of the exhibition, Open Conversations. This exhibition explored the art practice of Canadian photographers Carole Condé and Karl Beveridge, who have developed an artistic process that involves direct collaboration in the production of art employing a participatory, socially engaged framework. I claim the role of “insurgent curator” (a person who challenges the current state of affairs) through my attempt to locate my inquiry within my current praxis as curator, that is, within a critical form of creative inquiry. As an insurgent curator, I attempt to insert alternative histories and perspectives in a public art gallery as a means of offering different ways of knowing contemporary society. The concept of critical inquiry and the use of dialogical aesthetics underlie my concept of insurgent curatorial practice. I propose that the use of dialogue has important implications in helping to situate art galleries as public spaces that invite participation, dialogue, and community, and thereby have a profound impact on visitors’ meaning making. Through the use of critical creative inquiry, I ask how this research can generate individual transformation and help create progressive forms of social action. / Graduate / scottmarsden@haidagwaii.ca

Depuis la deuxième moitié du XXe siècle, la Colombie se trouve submergée dans un conflit interne permanent qui s´étend pour plus de cinquante ans. Dans celui-ci convergent des divers acteurs armés : l`armée colombienne, les groupes paramilitaires et la guérilla, qui jouent un rôle central dans la définition du conflit et de la réalité sociale et politique du pays. Pourtant, l’image que chacun se fait autant du conflit que d’eux-mêmes dépend de l’interprétation que chacun donne aux faits et à la manière dans laquelle ils se perçoivent en intervenant dans la construction de cette réalité. Ainsi, avec le but d’indaguer dans l’interprétation d’une partie des acteurs du conflit, et cherchant faire un apport à la compréhension de cette période de l`histoire de la Colombie, une approche à l`imaginaire insurgé du Movimiento 19 de Abril, M-19, est ici proposé. Ce groupe étant l’une des guérillas les plus actives dans le pays, étant donné la magnitude de ces opérations armées, est aussi l’une des premières à établir depuis seize ans d’activité militante, des accords avec le gouvernement de la Colombie, signant un accord de paix et se transformant finalement en parti politique (1990). Pour ce faire, des récits des exmilitants de l’organisation s’incluent dans l’investigation afin de que ceux-ci apportent, depuis ses perspectives, à une meilleure compréhension et à la reconstruction de l’histoire du pays ; de cette façon on peut comprendre aussi ce qui les a amenés au soulèvement en armes et sa vision du monde. Dans la quête de faire connaître ses propositions et ses interprétations de ce qui se passait dans l`époque en Colombie, le M-19 déploie des actions et des discours, avec lesquels fait allusion aux ressources symboliques et matérielles afin de se représenter en tant que groupe insurgé et exprimer ainsi, ses dénonciations, ses propositions et ses interprétations de la réalité. C’est à partir de ces éléments que l’on peut constater l’existence d’une narrative insurgent ainsi que certaines pratiques encadrées dans les rites de passage. C’est donc à travers l’analyse de ces rites qui marquent les transformations internes du groupe, ainsi qu’à travers la reconstruction du mythe insurgent, compris en termes d’un réseau discursive construit à partir du langage, des symboles et des pratiques avec lesquelles les ex-militants se souviennent des années actives dans la guérilla, qu’une approche à l’imaginaire du M-19 peut se faire. / During the second half of the XXth Century, Colombia was submerged into a permanent internal conflict that has extended for much of half a century. In such conflict, there are different converging armed actors: The Colombian army, the guerrilla and paramilitary groups, who have played a significant role defining the conflict and the social and political reality of the country. However, the image each one creates of it and of themselves, depends profoundly on the interpretation that each one makes of the facts, as well as on the way in which they picture themselves intervening in the construction of this reality. Thus, aiming at getting insight of the interpretation of this reality made by one of the groups in the conflict, while contributing at the same time at understanding further this historical moment in Colombia, a study of the insurgent imaginary of the Movimiento 19 de Abril, M-19 is proposed. The M-19 was one of the most active guerrillas in the country due to the scope of its operations and one of the first that, after 16 years of militancy, establishes accords with the central government, signing a peace agreement and finally, becoming a political party (1990). In order to proceed, accounts from the organization`s ex militants are the main source of information integrated in the research so that they can contribute, from their perspective, to better understand and reconstruct the history of Colombia, and in this way, understand what led them to raise in arms and their vision of the world. In the search to make public their proposals and their interpretation of what was happening in Colombia during that time, the M-19 deploys several actions and discourses in which they make reference to symbolic and material resources in order to establish themselves as an insurgent group; and to express in this way, their demands, their proposals and their interpretations of the reality. From these elements, the existence of an insurgent narrative as well as of certain practices framed in what is known as rites of passage can be ascertained. Thus, It is through the analysis of these rites that mark the internal transformations of the group, as well as through the reconstruction of the insurgent myth –understood here in terms of a discursive patchwork composed by the language, the symbols and the practices through which the ex-militants recall their active years in the guerrilla- that an approach of the collective imaginary of the M-19 can be made. / A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, Colombia se encuentra sumegida en un conflicto interno permanente que se extiende por más de medio siglo. En él, convergen diferentes actores armados: ejército, paramilitares y guerrilla, que juegan un rol principal en la definición del conflicto y de la realidad social y política del país. Pero la imagen que cada cual se hace de este y de sí mismos depende de la interpretacion que cada cual da de los hechos y de la manera en que ellos se ven interviniendo en la construcción de dicha realidad. Con el fin de indagar en la interpretación de una parte de los actores del conflicto y aportar en la comprensión de este periodo histórico en Colombia, se propone aquí realizar un acercamiento al imaginario insurgente del Movimiento 19 de Abril, una de las guerrilas más activas dada la magnitud de sus operativos y un de las primeras, que tras 16 años de militancia, logra entablar acuerdos con el gobierno, firmar la paz y transformarse a un movimiento político (1990). Para hacerlo, se incluyen los relatos de ex militantes de la organización para que, desde su perspectiva, aporten a un mejor entendimiento y a la reconstrucción de la historia del país y así comprender qué los llevo al alzamiento armado y cuál era su visión de mundo. En la búsqueda de dar a conocer sus propuestas e interpretaciones de lo que estaba ocurriendo en Colombia en esa época, el M-19 despliega diferentes acciones y discursos, en donde hace alusión a recursos simbólicos y materiales para representarse como grupo insurgente y expresar así sus denuncias, sus propuestas y sus interpretaciones de la realidad. A partir de estos elementos se constata la existencia de un relato insurgente y de ciertas prácticas que se enmarcan dentro de lo que se conoce como ritos de paso; a través del análisis de estos ritos que marcan las transformaciones internas del grupo y de la reconstrucción del mito insurgente, entendido como un entramado discursivo construido por el lenguaje, los símbolos y las prácticas con los que se reviven los años en la guerrilla, se hace un acercamiento al imaginario colectivo del M-19.

This thesis analyses the United States Marine Corps’ counterinsurgency strategy in Vietnam between March 1965 and November 1968, filling a major gap in the existing literature by forensically examining the primary source records maintained by the United States Marines to produce an assessment of the effectiveness of the strategy. It provides a useful corollary to the diplomatic and military histories of the war because not only does it examine operational-level thinking about the war but it analyses the intellectual antecedents of the Marines’ counterinsurgency strategy to answer the important questions about why the Marines chose to emphasis pacification and the ‘ink blot’ strategy rather than conducting a more conventional campaign that focused upon the destruction of enemy forces. The Marines’ own experience of counterinsurgency in the early part of the 20th Century, as well as the work of counterinsurgency theorists of the 1950s and 1960s, had a considerable impact upon their approach to the Vietnam War. The decision of the senior Marine commanders to adopt a pacification strategy along the lines of the ‘ink blot’ approach promulgated by these French and British counterinsurgency experts was partly the result of their view of the political nature of the war and partly the result of the reality they faced on the ground. At the time the Marines deployed to Vietnam their mission was to protect three bases on the coast in the northern provinces of South Vietnam and the Marines realised that the security of these establishments could be greatly improved if the population supported the Marines (and, by extension the South Vietnamese government) rather than the insurgents. Therefore, the ‘spreading ink blot’ of pacification was a product of the need to improve security as well as an attempt to challenge the political nature of communist revolutionary warfare. The metrics used to measure progress in the war were flawed, but there are other indicators within the Marines’ records that show they were conducting an effective and appropriate counterinsurgency campaign, within the limitations imposed by lack of resources and general inability to influence the war as a whole. When the Tet Offensive was launched in early 1968, the Marines use of pacification as ‘defence in depth’ allowed them to successfully defend the coastal enclaves by countering both the political and military efforts of the North Vietnamese in those areas.

Orientação: Prof. Dr. Gerardo Alberto Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Planejamento e Gestão do Território, 2015. / A Vila da Paz, localizada próxima ao estádio que acolheu os jogos da Copa 2014 em São Paulo, tornou-se objeto de remoção tendo como justificativa a construção do Parque Linear Rio Verde. Por outro lado, após as diversas ameaças de remoção, foi possível verificar a instauração de um processo de mobilização e resistência por parte da comunidade e de outros atores que interviram no processo. A comunidade foi removida parcialmente, respeitando-se as diretrizes exigidas pelos moradores, porém a maioria das famílias ainda encontra-se no local. O objetivo deste trabalho é discorrer sobre os conflitos instaurados acerca desta questão, bem como o processo de mobilização e resistência por meio de alternativas populares, como a construção do Plano Popular Alternativo de Urbanização da Comunidade da Paz, que teve uma grande importância no processo de resistência. Apresentada a história e caracterização da comunidade, buscou-se analisá-la enquanto uma experiência de planejamento em contexto de conflitos. É importante salientar que esse processo se deu no contexto da preparação da cidade para acolher um megaevento e, portanto, numa conjuntura de tendências internacionais da reprodução das cidades, que tem como uma de suas principais marcas o "empresariamento urbano", e que não necessariamente irá considerar as especificidades das áreas nas quais estes grandes projetos serão implementados. / The "Vila da Paz" (Village of Peace), located in Sao Paulo near the stadium that hosted the 2014 FIFA World Cup, became removal object to justify the construction of the "Parque Linear Rio Verde" (Green River Linear Park). On the other hand, after several threats of removal, began a process of mobilization and resistance from the community and from other actors who intervened in the process. The community was partially removed, respecting the guidelines required by the residents, but most of the families still on the location. The objective of this work is to discuss the conflicts about this case, as the mobilization process and resistance through popular alternatives, such as the construction of the "Community of Peace Alternative Urbanization Plan", which was very important in the process of resistance. After the introduction of the community history and characteristics, it was analised as a planning experience in the conflict context. It's important to rebound that this process occured in the context of the city's preparation to host a mega event and therefore in an environment of international trends to reproduce the cities which has one of its main brands "urban entrepreneurship" and not necessarily will consider the specific characteristics of the areas where these large projects will be implemented.

Doctor of Philosophy / Security Studies Interdepartmental Program / Emizet N. Kisangani / This study examines the effects of regime type on support to foreign insurgent groups. Theoretically, it relies on structural and normative characteristics of democracies by arguing that leaders in these regimes tend to encounter multiple disincentive mechanisms generally not found in non-democracies. Thus, leaders of democratic regimes are less likely to actively support foreign insurgent groups as a component of strategy below the threshold of military intervention. When they do choose to lend their support, they tend to choose either low-level types of support (simple material support) or high-level support (full military intervention). Leaders of non-democratic regimes, however, can employ the full spectrum of support types to seize strategic opportunities and tailor strategies that are more costly and more risky. The dissertation tests this theory by using both quantitative and qualitative research methods. The statistical analysis of a dyadic, cross-sectional, time-series dataset of 179 countries from 1975 to 2009 provides some support for the proposed hypotheses. Structured, focused comparison of three conflicts with multiple within-case observations (cases) also reveals modest support for the hypothesis that democracies are unlikely to support insurgent groups in general and have multiple disincentives toward providing mid-level types of support that expose the democratic leaders to additional costs and risks. Unexpectedly, the qualitative case studies reveal that in addition to the structural disincentives initially identified, leaders of democratic regimes may have a harder time managing the principal-agent relationship between the supporting state (principal) and the insurgent groups (agents). The need to maintain a large winning coalition to survive as a leader in a democracy presents multiple principal-agent problems and allows rebel leaders and rebel factions to resist integration, prevent the loss of autonomy, and facilitate the establishment of alternative avenues of resource mobilization. While previous literature in political science and international relations provides evidence that structural characteristics of democratic regimes make them good at winning interstate wars, this study provides initial evidence that those same structural characteristics make democracies’ success more elusive when applying unconventional strategies short of war.

An investigation into a possible counter strategy that challenges destructive spatial practices in contested urban territories by cultivating networks of opportunity. The study focusses on interventions that deal with the micro level and is applied in a South African urban context, specifically Festival Street in Hatfield, Pretoria. / Dissertation (MInt(Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Architecture / unrestricted