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<p>The aim is to study representation of order and otherness in the late 1930's Swedish press. That is, who are envisioned as "us" and who are the "Others"? The theoretical frame is based on Foucault’s concepts of pastoral power, the reason of state and biopolitics. The Good Shepherd is an excellent metaphor for the Nordic-style welfare state and the Foucauldian approach fits well with the social Darwinist and race biological metaphors of the time. Furthermore, news, myths and law articulate public morality and belong to disciplining, naturalizing and normalizing discourses. The symbolic boundaries between “We” and “Them” are outlined and modes of thinking, acceptable ways of behavior, and possible solutions for existing problems are provided.</p><p>The material examined consists of four Stockholm-based newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Stockholms-Tidningen, Svenska Dagbladet and Social-Demokraten. The years studied are 1935 and 1938. The quantitative content analysis is based on a selection of four months from each year. The articles are coded according to a theme and the characteristics of the actors. Gripsrud’s version of Propp’s actant model is used to examine the narrative structure of the stories. Linguistic tools, such as ideational and interpersonal functions, are used to analyze the individual texts.</p><p>The groups depicted as deviant include religious sects, ethnic minorities, foreigners, criminals and political activists on the extreme right and extreme left. A number of articles discuss various social problems in more general terms. Quantitatively more than eighty percent of the material consists of crime news. Approximately five percent of the articles are about ethnic minorities and foreigners. Religious sects and political extremists constitute about one percent each and roughly ten percent of the material is about social problems.</p>

The aim is to study representation of order and otherness in the late 1930's Swedish press. That is, who are envisioned as "us" and who are the "Others"? The theoretical frame is based on Foucault’s concepts of pastoral power, the reason of state and biopolitics. The Good Shepherd is an excellent metaphor for the Nordic-style welfare state and the Foucauldian approach fits well with the social Darwinist and race biological metaphors of the time. Furthermore, news, myths and law articulate public morality and belong to disciplining, naturalizing and normalizing discourses. The symbolic boundaries between “We” and “Them” are outlined and modes of thinking, acceptable ways of behavior, and possible solutions for existing problems are provided. The material examined consists of four Stockholm-based newspapers Dagens Nyheter, Stockholms-Tidningen, Svenska Dagbladet and Social-Demokraten. The years studied are 1935 and 1938. The quantitative content analysis is based on a selection of four months from each year. The articles are coded according to a theme and the characteristics of the actors. Gripsrud’s version of Propp’s actant model is used to examine the narrative structure of the stories. Linguistic tools, such as ideational and interpersonal functions, are used to analyze the individual texts. The groups depicted as deviant include religious sects, ethnic minorities, foreigners, criminals and political activists on the extreme right and extreme left. A number of articles discuss various social problems in more general terms. Quantitatively more than eighty percent of the material consists of crime news. Approximately five percent of the articles are about ethnic minorities and foreigners. Religious sects and political extremists constitute about one percent each and roughly ten percent of the material is about social problems.

Cette étude en histoire du droit présente les spécificités de la régulation de la prostitution pendant l'entre-deux guerres. Elle s'appuye sur l'analyse des sources juridiques et judiciaires extraites de nombreux fonds d'Archives, et s'enrichit d'une approche interdisciplinaire. La thèse étudie les débats nationaux et internationaux, les lois et projets de lois, polarisés autour de l'abolitionnisme et du réglementarisme, tout en notant au sein de ces deux discours une nette tendance au prohibitionnisme. Elle présente également une approche concrète de la mise en œuvre de cette régulation, avec l'exemple du Nord et du Pas-de-Calais, départements dont la situation géographique et les bouleversements subis pendant la première guerre mondiale constituent un étalon de mesure de cette période. L'étude observe les glissements du contrôle policier vers le contrôle médical, où le policier devient l'auxiliaire du médecin. Parallèlement, le glissement de compétence se fait de l'autorité règlementaire locale vers l'autorité règlementaire centrale. Le prisme du genre permet d'étudier la cristallisation de la place de chacun des sexes au sein du commerce prostitutionnel forcé par l'autorité publique que ce soit au niveau juridique ou judiciaire. Au sein de cette période où le réglementarisme tente une ultime tentative de survie, alors qu'il était tenu pour moribond à la fin du XIXe siècle, l'enjeu du contrôle dépasse largement le cadre de la prostitution pour viser la sexualité en général, avec comme levier la peur celle du péril vénérien et celle de la traite de la traite des femmes. / This research in legal history presents the specificities of the prostitution regulation during the inter-war period. It is based on the analysis of legal and judicial sources from various archives and adopts an interdisciplinary approach. This thesis studies national and international debates, laws and draft laws about both abolitionism and regulationism, noting that these two theories tend towards prohibition. It also sets out a concrete presentation of the implementation of this regulation, with the example of the departments of North and Pas de Calais, whose geographical situation and upheavals during the first world war are characteristic of this period. The research points out the shift from police control to medical control, a policeman becoming doctor's assistant. Simultaneously, the competence was transferred from the local regulation authority to the national one. The gender point of view leads to the study of the determination of the position of each sex in the prostitution business, constrained by the public authority.During this period, when the final attempts at the regulation system, which was meant to disappear in the nineteenth century, take place; the importance of this control goes far beyond prostitution. It deals with sexuality in general, relying on fear : the fear of the venereal disease and the fear of trafficking in women.

Au tournant du XXe siècle, la neurasthénie – ou épuisement nerveux – est devenue une maladie populaire en Occident et jusqu’au Japon en raison de son association avec la modernité. De nombreux rapprochements ont été faits entre ce diagnostic introduit en 1869 aux États-Unis et certaines maladies contemporaines comme la dépression, le syndrome de fatigue chronique, l’épuisement professionnel et toute la panoplie des maladies causées par le stress. Les transformations socioculturelles qu’a connues le Viêt Nam sous colonisation, principalement au cours des décennies 1920 et 1930, ont été propices à la dissémination du langage des nerfs et à l’appropriation du diagnostic de neurasthénie. Ce mémoire de maîtrise en histoire se penche sur les transformations sociales survenues sous le gouvernement colonial français, dont l’urbanisation et l’instruction publique, au milieu desquelles ont émergé les nouvelles classes moyennes urbaines qui ont adopté le diagnostic de neurasthénie. À partir de la presse vietnamienne de la période, ce travail met l’accent sur l’appropriation, les causes et les traitements de la maladie. Utilisant une approche comparant la neurasthénie en Occident, au Japon et en Chine, pour ensuite présenter son entrée au Viêt Nam, il montre que la domination et donc la subalternité ont compliqué l’accès des colonisés au diagnostic de la maladie moderne neurasthénie, de même qu’à la modernité. Il fournit toutefois un éclairage sur les débuts de l’histoire du diagnostic, encore utilisé de nos jours au Viêt Nam, d’une maladie appelée « la maladie de l’époque ». / At the turn of the 20th century, the diagnostic term neurasthenia – or nervous exhaustion coined by American neurologist George Miller Beard in 1869 – was associated with modern civilization. Hence, the term rapidly spread to most Western countries and as far as Japan. Our contemporary language of stress, burn-out, depression and chronic fatigue syndrome has a history that goes back to the birth of the term neurasthenia. As Vietnam underwent deep sociocultural transformations during the French colonial era, especially during the 1920s and 1930s, life conditions became increasingly conducive to the dissemination of the language of nerves and to the appropriation of the term neurasthenia by middle class Vietnamese. This Master’s thesis on the early history of neurasthenia in Vietnam looks into the social transformations effected by the French colonial government, mainly urbanization and public education, which lead to the emergence of a new vietnamese urban middle class. Based on the vietnamese press of the period, it analyzes the appropriation of the diagnostic term neurasthenia by the Vietnamese, the causes to which they attributed neurasthenia, as well as the main treatments proposed by Vietnamese doctors. After comparing how neurasthenia was appropriated in a few Western countries, as well as in Japan and China, and then showing its appropriation in Vietnam, it shows that colonized status meant a somehow limited access to the “modern” disease neurasthenia, somehow similar to the access to “modernity”, due to political domination. The thesis then sheds light on the early history of a diagnosis still used nowadays in Vietnam, of a disease still called there “the disease of our time”.

La prolifération contemporaine des techniques de surveillance tend à affirmer l’idée répandue que la nécessité institutionnelle de cumuler du savoir sur les populations serait un phénomène contemporain, ce que le recourt à la démarche socio-historique permet de déconstruire. La recherche menée dans les fonds préfectoraux des Archives Départementales de la Seine-Maritime, complétée par la consultation du « fonds de Moscou » a permis d’inscrire cette recherche au sein d’une étape constructiviste de l’analyse des sociétés de surveillance. Le corpus constitué majoritairement des fichiers de la police spéciale durant l’entre-deux-guerres interroge l’interdépendance entre la notion foucaldienne d’espace de sécurité et celle d’espace public, ou plutôt d’espaces publics. Résultat d’une forme de gouvernement de l’opinion, la veille proactive des espaces publics se développant en marge de l’espace public bourgeois était une nécessité afin de maintenir l’ordre républicain en cas de conflits entre ces espaces – comme ce fut le cas entre les militants des ligues d’extrême droite et de ceux qui se sont ralliés derrière la bannière de l’antifascisme. Un aspect de cette démarche est la régulation d’une parole prolétarienne, instrumentalisée par les acteurs principaux des institutions communistes et syndicales. Des individus suivis en fonction de leur influence sur les masses, de leurs actes, discours et propagandes dont la résultante en termes de jugement policier se fait en fonction de la préservation de la communauté nationale, par la désignation d’un ennemi de l’intérieur, étranger au sein du corps social et susceptible de propager une parole illégitime au sein de la population. / The contemporary proliferation of monitoring techniques in people's everyday lives tends to assert the widespread belief that the institutional necessity of accumulating knowledge about populations is a contemporary phenomenon. This pre-notion can be quickly deconstructed by recourse of the historical study, the work carried out during this thesis in the Prefecture funds of the Archives départementales de Seine-Maritime, supplemented by the consultation of the "fonds de Moscou" enables me to register this research within a constructivist step of the analysis of the surveillance societies. The corpus, mainly composed of police spéciale files during the inter-war period, enables us to question the interdependence between the Foucaldian concept of a security space and public sphere, or rather of public spheres. As a result of a form of government of opinion, the proactive observation of public spheres which have developed on the margins of the bourgeois public sphere was a necessity in order to maintain the republican order in case of conflicts between these spheres – as was the case between the militants of the extreme right leagues and those who rallied behind the banner of anti-fascism. Another of the main aspects of this approach is the regulation of a public speech from the proletariat, instrumentalized by the main actors of the communist and trade union institutions. Individuals who are tracked according to their influence on the masses, their acts, speeches and propaganda whose resultd in terms of police judgment is to the preservation of the national community, by the designation of interior enemy, a stranger within society and likely to spread an illegitimate speech within the population.

Master's thesis focuses on the British economy in the first half of the 20th century and examines the most important components of the economic and regional policy in this period. The aim of the work is to discover the main impact of the first and second world war on the economy of Great Britain while emphasizing the role of the arising regional policy in this period. An evaluation of the most important macroeconomical indicators is performed to fulfil the aim of the work. Results of this paper show that the First World War led to the decline of traditional industries. This was supported in the inter-war years by the decrease of demand, high real wages and overvaluation of the pound while returning to the gold standard. Because the employment was mainly concentrated in the declining industries, which were regionally located, regional disparities in the country increased. The high unemployment in these regions led to the beginnings of state controlled regional policy. However significant decrease of the unemployment was only achieved with the mobilisation of the economy during the Second World War and the impact of new growing industries in the fifties.

1 Abstract This thesis discusses rapid transit system proposals from competition of Elektrické podniky company in 1931 that had been announced due to worsening traffic situation in the metropolitan area. The first part of this thesis serves as a framework for the second part - it introduces the history of Prague and railway transport in it until the first Czechoslovak republic and thus enables easier orientation in context of this issue. The second part itself consists of review of all competitive designs and then analyzes them through research questions, which are based on particular social aspects. To each of the following aspects, there is a specific subchapter devoted: inhabitation and economically significant areas in Prague, problems with public transport, selected functions of stations, trainsets and their capacitive sufficiency and comfort, planned changes in built-up areas in Prague. These then serve as tools for comparation and final evaluation of technical solutions from historical sociological perspective. For the research analysis in second part, archive materials of Dopravní podnik hlavního města Prahy are being used as a source, supplemented by thematically relevant literature in the first part. Key words: historical sociology, history of commuting, public transportation, social functions of...

Dès 1919, la France et l’Italie se tournent vers l’espace balkanique et danubien, issu de l’effondrement des empires multinationaux, pour assurer leur sécurité et leur puissance. Alors que la question adriatique éloigne les deux pays, ils trouvent un consensus provisoire sur l’Europe danubienne : ni Anschluss, ni confédération danubienne. Ce modus vivendi va cependant voler en éclats à partir de 1924, lorsque la volonté française de mieux organiser son système d’alliances rencontre le révisionnisme fasciste. L’une et l’autre puissance tentent de surmonter les difficultés internationales créées par le mouvement pour l’Anschluss, l’opposition de la Petite Entente et de la Hongrie, le statut de la Yougoslavie, mais la divergence de leurs représentations sur ce que devait être un concert européen rénové empêcha toute collaboration. Leur confrontation favorisa la déstabilisation de l’Europe balkanique et danubienne : le lien entre les deux phénomènes éclata au grand jour lors des négociations économiques pour la reconstruction de l’Europe entre 1931 et 1933. Dans le sillage de ces dernières, le Pacte à quatre fut conçu par la diplomatie française comme une occasion d’arrimer l’Italie à la vision française de l’organisation du continent, tandis que Mussolini en faisait la première étape d’un bouleversement de l’ordre issu des traités de paix : l’Europe balkanique et danubienne fut le grand enjeu tacite du Pacte à quatre. / By 1919, France and Italy look to the Balkan and Danubian Region, shaped by the collapse of multinational empires, to ensure their safety and power. While the Adriatic question drives away the two countries, they find a temporary consensus on Danubian Europe: neither Anschluss, nor Danubian confederation. This modus vivendi is however shattered in 1924 when the French desire to better organize its system of alliances meets fascist revisionism. Both powers try to overcome the difficulties created by the international movement for the Anschluss, the opposition of the Little Entente and Hungary, the status of Yugoslavia, but their divergent representations of what should be a renovated European concert prevent any collaboration. Their confrontation promotes the destabilization of the Balkans and the Danubian Region : the link between the two phenomenons breaks out in the open during the negotiations for the economic reconstruction of Europe between 1931 and 1933. In the wake of these, the Four Power Pact was designed by French diplomacy as an opportunity to tie Italy to the French vision of the organization of the continent, while Mussolini figures it as the first step in the disruption of the order created by the peace treaties: the Balkans and Danube was the great unspoken issue of the Four Power Pact.

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