This study analyses the possible impact of the European Union (EU) on the development of the relations between business interest groups and the government in Turkey, more precisely on the interventions of the business interest groups in domestic policy-making. Hence it deals with the links between the progress of the relationship between Turkey and the EU and the development of domestic interest group activity in Turkey. The progress of Turkey’s relations with the EU enhanced the visibility of the Turkish Peak Business Organizations (PBOs) in representing Turkish business interests in Brussels. Moreover, the evolution of the activities of the PBOs, provides a broader understanding of the developments of the general characteristics of the relations between the government and business interest groups in Turkey. Hence the investigation focuses on the major Turkish PBOs. We examine the relations of Turkish PBOs with the EU, essentially, on the basis of the observation of their transnational actions within the EU as well as their participation in financial and technical assistance programmes of the EU and in the joint institutional structures of the association regime between Turkey and the EU. By analysing these two dimensions we assess the repercussions of the socialization of the Turkish PBOs on their strategies of action in dealing with European Affairs, on discourses they adopted regarding domestic policy-making and on their organizational structure and policy agenda. We elaborate our topic with reference to the Europeanization concept, which covers the examination of the consequences of the European governance on national systems. Through the Europeanization concept we observe the correlation between the progress of the Turkey-EU relations and the ongoing process of change in the patterns of interventions of the Turkish business interest groups in domestic policy-making.

This dissertation consists of three essays. Essay 1: Lobbying, Information, and Private and Social Welfare. Lobbying is potentially welfare improving if it is a form of information transmission. This essay studies when and for whom this is the case. In the model, a government (G) can redistribute income between two interest groups (A and B). Only one of them (A) has the opportunity to lobby. Lobbying is understood as A’s acquiring and strategically revealing policy-relevant information to G. Among the results is that A may be worse off as a consequence of lobbying while B is better off. It can also be the case that lobbying makes both the active and passive interest groups and the government all worse off. Essay 2: Are we better off if our politicians know how the economy works? This essay concerns public policy and welfare in a society where citizens’ preferences over public policy depend, in varying degrees, on some unknown state of the world. That is, people are heterogeneous with respect to their responsiveness to the unknown state. Public policy is decided on by a policymaker who is elected among the citizens by majority vote. Given this framework it is asked whether the citizens would be better off if the amount of uncertainty that the policymaker is facing were smaller. Among the results is that those who are sufficiently responsive to the unknown state may be worse off if the variance of the stochastic variable decreases. Essay 3: Incomplete information in the Samaritan’s dilemma: The dilemma (almost) vanishes. Suppose that an altruistic person, A, is willing to transfer resources to a second person, B, if B comes upon hard times. If B anticipates that A will act in this manner, B will save "too little" from both agents’ point of view. This is the Samaritan’s dilemma. The mechanism in the dilemma has been employed in an extensive literature, addressing a wide range of both normative and positive issues. However, this essay shows that the undersaving result is not robust to the assumption that information is complete: by adding an arbitrarily small amount of uncertainty one can sustain an equilibrium outcome that is arbitrarily close to ex post incentive efficiency. One may also sustain outcomes with oversaving. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögsk., 1998

This dissertation explores whether fiscal policies can be used as a means of redistribution of power and status, and the ways of transferring state&rsquo / s economic power to social groups. In this regard, state budget is recognized as the main tool for the execution of redistributive policies of the governments. In this framework, this study investigates how budget was employed to change power balance of social groups during the period of 1980-2003, in Turkey. In order to measure the changing power balances budget expenditures and revenues are reclassified and the size of the financial resources allocated or transferred to the particular social groups are determined. The analysis of budget data demonstrated that budget in Turkey has a strong influence on redistributive politics. Regarding the policy making point of view, the traditional centralist approach was deteriorated and increasing number of parties and interest groups involved in budget mechanisms. Another finding is supporting the particular economic or social groups within the current time period or across the periods either through the withdrawal of state sector from the area of traditionally publicly provided private goods / transferring budget resources and changing the taxation policies or by borrowing.

Ethnic interest groups have historically played a role in the making of American foreign policy but their influence has increased especially following the end of the Cold War. This influence has important repercussions on American foreign policy towards the home countries of the powerful ethnic groups and the regions that these countries are located in. Within this context, this thesis examines the sources or the reasons of the influence of ethnic interest groups on American foreign policy, which has also affected Turkish-American relations significantly. It first focuses on the structural factors that make ethnic influence possible such as the characteristics of the American political system and the important role that Congress plays in the formulation of foreign policy. It then discusses the organizational factors such as organizational strength and using of successful persuasion and dissuasion methods that make it possible to influence American foreign policy. It ends with a normative discussion on the desirability of ethnic influence on American foreign policy.

This dissertation argues that advocacy is a two-stage decision in which organizations must first decide whether or not to undertake political activity through advocacy or lobbying and then choose between the set of strategic actions that, based on available financial and human resources, are available to them. These are separate decisions with separate constraints. The decision to advocate is a strategic stance taken by nonprofit organizations in policy environments that necessitate such activity and in which it is politically conducive for them to undertake the cost of such actions. Once an organization has decided that it will undertake advocacy activities, it must determine the specific activities, collaboration, grassroots advocacy, or direct lobbying, that will help it to pursue that course most effectively. These hypotheses are tested in an analysis of the advocacy activities of over 500 nonprofit reproductive health service providers. Data for this study were gathered from the National Center for Charitable Statistics within the Urban Institute and directly from IRS Form 990s filed by the organizations. The findings suggest that there are strong and consistent relationships between policy and politics and the political activity of nonprofit service providers. In states with more restrictive reproductive health policy environments, nonprofit organizations that provide these services are more likely to engage in advocacy activity. The findings also suggest that, even when controlling for the policy environment, 501(c)(3)s are more likely to become politically active in states where they have a larger number of political allies. Additional analyses suggest that there is a negative relationship between government monies and the aggressiveness of advocacy and the use of multiple advocacy strategies. Interestingly, this finding is consistent with the expectations offered in the resource dependence literature and the results suggest only a tenuous relationship between institutional variables and decisions regarding organizational aggressiveness in the choice of advocacy strategies.

The first part of this dissertation explores whether interest group-sponsored political advertising campaigns influence how journalists frame health policy debates. The paper employs propensity score matching techniques, media content analysis and a modified version of the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index to discern whether a prodigious and concentrated advertising campaign that aired during the health care reform debate under President Obama influenced newspaper coverage of the Affordable Care Act in markets that were exposed to the advertisements. The second part of the dissertation investigates public attitudes toward the various groups in the health care industry. It leverages data from an extensive public opinion survey conducted during the health care reform debate under President Obama, and employs survey weighted ordinal logistic regression models to understand public trust and confidence in a broad spectrum of interest groups, ranging from the American Medical Association to Blue Cross/Blue Shield to the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. The findings are particularly important and timely as the implementation battles surrounding the Affordable Care Act begin because citizens frequently take cues from interest group leaders to make sense of the political world, and public opinion frequently depends on how elites frame a particular issue. The final portion of the dissertation compares and evaluates several competing policy options designed to promote viewpoint diversity in extant policy debates. Several evaluative criteria are developed and applied to existing regulatory approaches to improving viewpoint diversity, and a novel approach is offered to better serve this ideal. Specifically, I propose a "marketplace of ideas tax" that would be levied on all political advertisements to endow a "marketplace of ideas trust fund," which would then be used to subsidize speech from underrepresented viewpoints. This approach leverages insights garnered from models of political learning and social science research concerning the role of political advertisements in contemporary health policy debates.

A substantial amount of prior research has focused on the relation between Central Bank Independence (CBI) and inflation control. However, this research is mainly theoretical or conducted using cross-country statistical regressions and correlations in the developed world. Little attention has been given to understanding this relation in emerging nations or the influence of interest groups on CBI and inflation in a specific context. This thesis addresses both gaps by conducting an in-depth observation and analysis of this relation in a single country (Lebanon) and the influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation during a period of high inflation. This empirical evidence in the case of Lebanon shows that Central Bank Independence from the government – even though abundant and complete – was not enough to control inflation. The influence of the banking sector on both CBI and inflation was more important. This work makes a contribution to knowledge through highlighting the importance of national contexts when evaluating the CBI-inflation relation. Furthermore, this research extends our understanding of the literature and its gaps, and presents a new way to conduct in-depth studies in the field. Finally, it provides practical insights that are of importance to central bankers, especially in emerging nations.

This study focuses on the Mexican-American community in the US, the American and Mexican governments, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and trade in general between the US and Mexico. The empirical focus of this study is the influence of the Mexican-American diaspora on US policy, specifically with respect to trade. I attempt to trace the influence of the diaspora in the political debates over NAFTA, and in the post-NAFTA debates. I pose the following questions: 1-Does the Mexican-American diaspora have influence in US domestic politics and the US-Mexico relationship? 2-Does the diaspora use what influence it has to achieve its interests? 3-If so, is it generally successful? These questions will be explored in the context of American trade policy. The Mexican-American diaspora has the resources and characteristics needed to exert influence, but is it so inclined? In order to measure its influence, it must first be asked whether the diaspora attempts to use it in pursuing specific interests. An important component of this analysis will be to determine whether Mexican-Americans are able- and perceived as able- to influence decision-making in the US government through the vote. Other important questions therefore include: Do Mexican-Americans vote? If so, whom do they vote for? And, are Mexican-Americans politically active? The answers to these questions will help us paint a more accurate picture of Mexican-Americans and their influence on US trade policy. This study will reveal that the Mexican-American community has played an increasingly important role in American politics. It will show that the Mexican-American diaspora has an impact on domestic issues such as immigration, but that it is also interested and influential in foreign policy, particularly trade. I intend to demonstrate this influence by exploring its role in the establishment of NAFTA and in the ensuing American debates on hemispheric trade policy. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2014-02-25 15:32:54.122

Darbe analizuojama ES interesų grupių sąveika su ES institucijomis. Aiškinamasi, kaip, kodėl ir kur interesų grupės veikia, ką atstovauja ir ar atstovaujami Lietuvos organizacijų interesai Europos Sąjungoje. Darbo tikslas – EP ir EK sąveikų su interesų grupėmis įvertinimas. Darbo tikslui pasiekti iškeliami šeši uždaviniai. Pirmiausiai, siekiama išanalizuoti ES veikiančių interesų grupių veiklą. Ištirti interesų grupių santykį su Europos Komisija ir Europos Parlamentu, išanalizuoti ES interesų grupių veiklos reguliavimą bei EK ir EP interesų grupių registrus, atskleisti Lietuvos organizacijų interesų atstovavimą ES. Darbe naudojami aprašomasis, analitinis, statistinės analizės ir kokybinio tyrimo pusiau struktūruoto interviu metodai. Po Bendrosios rinkos sukūrimo jaučiamas interesų grupių suaktyvėjimas ES lygmenyje, kas buvo įtakota europeizacijos ir eurointegracijos faktorių. Interesų grupės veikia EK, EP ir ET sprendimus. ES teigiamai atsiliepia apie interesų grupes, kadangi jos padeda spręsti „demokratijos stokos“ problemą. Aktyviausios interesų grupės yra teisėkūros stadijoje, kuomet siekiama pakreipti įstatymo svarstymus reikiama linkme. Labiausiai veikiamas interesų grupių veiklos laukas yra EK. EK pagal suteiktas funkcijas turi lemiamą vaidmenį ES politikos formavime. EK turi didelę patirtį bendraujant su interesų grupėmis ir yra priklausoma dėl jų teikiamos informacijos. EP neturi tokių funkcijų kaip EK, todėl nėra toks svarbus interesų grupėms. EP tampa svarbiu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / The thesis analyzes interaction between EU interest groups and EU institutions. It explains how, why and where interest groups operate, what they represent, and whether the interests of Lithuanian organizations are represented in the European Union. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate interaction of interest groups with EP and EC. In order to reach this objective six tasks have been set. First of all, the activity of EU operating interest groups is considered. Also, the thesis studies the relation of interest groups with the European Commission and the European Parliament, the regulation of the activity of EU interest groups, the registers of EC and EP interest groups, and the representation of Lithuanian organizations in EU. In the thesis the following methods are used: descriptive method, analytical method, the method of statistical analysis, and the method of quality research semi-structured interview. After the creation of the common market, interest groups have become more active, which has been caused by such factors as europeization and euro-integration. Interest groups influence the decisions of EC, EP and ET. EU has a favorable opinion about interest groups, because they help to solve the problem of “the lack of democracy”. Interest groups are most active in the stage of the law establishment, when they seek to influence the formation of laws. The sphere where interest groups are most active is EC. By its functions EC plays a key role in the formation of EU... [to full text]

L’objectif de ce mémoire est double. D’une part, il vise à proposer un cadre d’analyse novateur permettant d’étendre le modèle du marketing politique, traditionnellement limité au cas des partis politiques, en l’appliquant aux stratégies de recrutement (en amont) et de lobbying (en aval) des groupes d’intérêt. D’autre part, il a pour but de donner un nouveau souffle à l’étude des groupes d’intérêt en tant que sous-champ de la science politique en situant leur action dans une perspective dynamique et stratégique. De façon plus spécifique, cette recherche vise à évaluer, à l’aide de deux hypothèses, le degré de déploiement global de l’approche marketing chez les groupes d’intérêt au Québec et à comparer son niveau de pénétration spécifique au sein des différentes organisations. La première hypothèse avance que le degré de déploiement global du marketing politique auprès des groupes d’intérêt québécois s’avère relativement faible en raison d’un certain nombre de facteurs contextuels qui ont historiquement limité son intégration au sein de leurs stratégies de recrutement et de lobbying. La seconde hypothèse affirme pour sa part que le niveau de pénétration spécifique de l’approche marketing est limité à certaines organisations et varie en fonction de certains facteurs qui peuvent s’avérer contradictoires. Les données recueillies lors d’entrevues menées auprès de douze des principaux groupes d’intérêt actifs à l’échelle du Québec tendent à confirmer les deux hypothèses. / The goal of this paper is twofold. On the one hand, it aims to offer an innovative analytical framework for extending the model of political marketing, traditionally limited to the case of political parties, by applying it to the recruitment (upstream) ad lobbying (downstream) strategies of interest groups. On the other hand, it aims to give new impetus to the study of interest groups as a subfield of political science by placing their actions in a dynamic and strategic perspective. In more specific terms, this research aims to assess, with two hypotheses, the overall level of deployment of the marketing approach among interest groups in Quebec and compare its specific level of penetration within the various organizations. The first hypothesis argues that the degree of penetration of global marketing policy with interest groups in Quebec is relatively low due to a number of contextual factors that have historically limited its integration within their recruitment strategies and lobbying. The second hypothesis assumes for his part that the level of deployment of specific marketing approach is limited to certain organizations and varies depending on certain factors which may be contradictory. The data gathered during interviews with twelve key interest groups active throughout the Quebec tend to confirm the two hypotheses. / Fonds québécois de recherche sur la société et la culture