One of the biggest challenges in contemporary global environmental governance is the future of marine biodiversity. Over the years, increased fishing efforts in previously remote areas drove many fish stocks to scarcity. The Regional Fisheries Management Organizations (RFMOs) emerged to solve the international fishery crisis, on the assumption that they would provide a forum where Member States may agree and discuss binding rules for the conservation and management of fish stocks within its geographical area of responsibility. Although some agreements existed for more than 60 years, many authors agree that they have not been fully effective in promoting the maintenance and conservation of fish stocks. There are many reasons that might explain the lack of effectiveness, one of them being that science is not very often listened to in the political decision-making process. In this research, the influence of knowledge and science in shaping policy decisions will be observed and analyzed. Therefore, the use of the epistemic communities theory, that which forms part of the constructivist turn in international relations -- was used to answer the main question posed here: when does power listen to science? When it does, does it bring more effectiveness in terms of knowledge, input from epistemic communities, does it induce states to change their behavior, and do these influences lead to policies, which can credibly improve biomass? Using process tracing, through elite interviews, and with a systematic compilation and study of meeting reports from three RFMOs: the Commission for the Conservation of Antarctic Marine Living Resources (CCAMLR); the International Convention for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas (ICCAT); and the Commission for the Conservation of Southern Bluefin Tuna (CCSBT), the final conclusion is that they may listen to science, but their strategy, allies, and the ways in which it occurs differ case-by-case. / Um dos maiores desafios na governança ambiental global contemporânea é o futuro dos ecossistemas e da biodiversidade marinha. Ao longo dos anos, o aumento do esforço de pesca nas áreas anteriormente remotas levou muitas populações de peixes à escassez. As Organizações Regionais para o Ordenamento Pesqueiro (OROPs) surgiram para resolver a crise internacional de pesca, através um fórum onde os Estados-Membros podem acordar e discutir regras vinculativas para a conservação e gestão dos recursos pesqueiros no âmbito da sua área geográfica de responsabilidade. Embora alguns acordos existam há mais de 60 anos, muitos pesquisadores concordam que os mesmos não têm sido totalmente eficazes para promover a manutenção e conservação dos recursos pesqueiros. Muitas razões podem explicar a falta de eficiência no manejo, uma delas é que, o aconselhamento cientifico não é muitas vezes considerado nas decisões políticas. Nesta pesquisa, a influência do conhecimento e da ciência na tomada de decisões políticas serão avaliadas. Para isso, a teoria das comunidades epistêmicas, que faz parte da veia construtivista em Relações Internacionais, foi usada para responder à principal questão colocada aqui: quando é que o poder ouviu a ciência? E isso trouxe mais eficiência em termos do conhecimento proveniente das comunidades epistêmicas induzir os Estados a mudarem seu comportamento e a influência levar a políticas que aumentem a biomassa dos estoques pesqueiros? Com o uso de process tracing, por meio de entrevistas com atores e uma compilação sistemática dos relatórios das reuniões anuais, as OROPS: CCAMLR, ICCAT e CCSBT foram estudadas, e a conclusão final é que, os tomadores de decisão podem ouvir a ciência, porém, a estratégia, os aliados e a forma como a influência se desenvolve varia caso a caso.

O marco inicial da proposta de estudo é o Protocolo de Defesa da Concorrência no Mercosul Protocolo de Fortaleza, de 17/12/1996, que apesar de ter sido ratificado por alguns Estados-Parte do Mercosul, e no Brasil tendo sido ratificado por meio do Decreto nº 3.602, de 18/9/2000, pouquíssimo avanço foi identificado em muitos anos de vigência, seja por divergências políticas, seja por dificuldades de implantação, e ainda, por questões de conjuntura, em função de crises econômicas mundiais. A busca por formas de equilíbrio nas relações econômicas ao redor do globo, e seus impactos regionais na América Latina, é constante nos fóruns e organizações internacionais, inclusive envolvendo a repressão ao abuso do poder econômico e a defesa da concorrência, considerando esta um elemento importante para o desenvolvimento dos países da região. O estudo verificou a importância para análises que envolvem temas concorrenciais, por ser efetivamente a sua base e o ponto de partida, a questão da delimitação do mercado relevante. A pesquisa tratou de verificar a centralidade do tema na análise antitruste e a relevância do debate do direito da concorrência para a integração regional, focando especificamente o Mercosul e sua forma de regulação. A integração regional é um processo importante em face das desigualdades mundiais, e pode contribuir para uma melhor eficiência de negociações multilaterais em escala mundial, tornando, assim, útil e necessário o controle internacional do comércio, de forma a buscar o equilíbrio nas relações econômicas com o auxílio da defesa da concorrência. A relevância do tema é destacada pela transposição de fronteiras pelas atividades empresariais, levando também ao transbordamento dos limites de atuação dos órgãos nacionais competentes. Isto coloca a análise antitruste em interessante perspectiva, pois no âmbito nacional, a legislação e a atuação dos agentes está restrita às fronteiras dos países, mas na esfera de atuação do bloco econômico regional, a aplicação desta base normativa em função da extraterritorialidade pode e é muitas vezes questionada, no caso de ausência de regulação específica e/ou norma que autorize a cooperação internacional, advinda de uma instituição supranacional, não obstante a hipótese de reconhecimento e aplicação das normas editadas pelo Mercosul como sendo de Direito Comunitário. Assim, pretende-se demonstrar a importância do tema da regulação em matéria antitruste, focando a questão da definição do mercado relevante, especialmente em um bloco econômico regional como o Mercosul. / The initial mark of the proposed study here is Protocolo de Defesa da Concorrência no Mercosul Protocolo de Fortaleza (\"Competitor\'s Defense Protocol in Mercosul-Protocol of Fortaleza), as of Dec 17th, 1996, that despite being ratified by some States in Mercosul, and being validated in Brazil through Decret number 3.602 as of Sep 18th, 2000, very small advance has been identified in many years, for political reasons or difficulties in implementation, or also, for combination of factors of global economic crisis reasons. The search for a balance in economic relations around the Globe, and its regional impacts in Latin America, is common in foruns and international organizations, inclusively with repression to economic power abuse and the defense of the competition, considering this, an important element for the development of the region. In our study, we verify the importance for analysis involving competitors, because it is a starting point, the question of the relevant market limits. The search has verified how central this theme is in the anti-trust analysis and relevance of the debate about rights in competition for regional integration, focusing on Mercosul and its form of regulation. The regional integration is an important process in face of the global economic differences, and may contribute to a better efficiency of multilateral negotiation in global scale, becoming useful and necessary the international business control, in order to balance economic relations with competitors support. The relevance of the theme is revealed through frontiers transposition and business activities, leading to trespassing limits of international regulators. This statement puts the antitrust analysis in perspective, since national wide, the legislation and the agents reaction is restricted to the frontiers of the country, but on the sphere of the regional economic group, this legislation outside the territory may be and it is indeed usually, questioned, in case of the lack of specific regulation or norm, authorizing international cooperation from supra national institution, not disconsidering the hypothesis of recognition and application of norms edited by Mercosul as Common Law. This way, we intend to demonstrate the importance of the regulation theme in the anti trust scenario, focusing the question of a relevant market definition, specially in a regional economic group such as Mercosul.

Orientador: Andrei Koerner / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T03:51:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rosa_WilliamTorresLaureanoda_M.pdf: 1221941 bytes, checksum: ecb1dc6a858bd2aad0de60eb0499e7a0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O evento ocorrido em 11 de Setembro de 2001 trouxe diversos desafios à sociedade estadunidense. Entre eles, um dos mais proeminentes é a adequação entre as medidas e normas tomadas pela a administração pública e as normas de proteção dos direitos humanos na sua face denominada de direitos civis e políticos. O que se observou, entretanto, foi um grande desrespeito aos direitos dos cidadãos estadunidenses em prol de maior segurança contra possíveis novos ataques, permitindo diversas formas de investigações por parte de agências estatais, como CIA e FBI, torturas, prisões sem respeito ao devido processo legal entre outras medidas que atingiram não só os "inimigos terroristas", mas também cidadãos. O modo entendido pela administração de George W. Bush como ideal de contraterrorismo refletiu nas medidas tomadas no plano multilateral na Organização das Nações Unidas. A organização atende aos anseios de maior rigor no combate a essa ameaça e institui instrumentos ligados ao Conselho de Segurança, enquanto organismo encarregado de determinar as sanções. A influência do debate dos EUA no plano multilateral também se reflete nas contestações ao modelo. Baseado na concepção de que as organizações internacionais são concebidas como espaços de discussão que são capazes não só de alterar a realidade por meio da formação de consensos sobre a criação, interpretação e reinterpretação de suas próprias normas e que, assim, faz-se necessário estudar o processo normativo dessas instituições, o debate sobre as violações de direitos humanos no modelo de contraterrorismo adotado internamente nos EUA influencia e modifica o debate sobre o modelo multilateral de contraterrorismo. Este perde a sua centralidade no Conselho de Segurança e passa a ser descentralizado nos diversos organismos da ONU / Abstract: The event of September 11, 2001 challenged American society. One of the most prominent is the accordance between norms and measures taken by the Administration and human rights norms in his civil and political rights face. What has been noted, however, was a great disrespect for the rights of American citizens for greater security against possible new attacks, allowing various forms of investigations by state agencies such as FBI and CIA, torture, detention without respect for due process of law and other measures that impacted not only the "enemy terrorists", but also citizens. The way George W. Bush Administration understood as an ideal form of counterterrorism reflected in measures taken at the multilateral level in the United Nations. The organization comply with the desire for greater rigor in combating this threat and establishing instruments connected to the Security Council, as the body responsible for determining sanctions. The influence of the American debate on the multilateral level is also reflected in challenges to the model. Based on the notion that international organizations are designed as forums for discussion that are not only capable of altering reality through the formation of consensus on the creation, interpretation and reinterpretation of its own rules and that therefore it is necessary to study the norms process of these institutions, the debate on human rights violations in counterterrorism model adopted domestically in the U.S. influenced and changed the debate on the multilateral model of counterterrorism. This loses its centrality in the Security Council and shall be decentralized in the various UN agencies / Mestrado / Instituições, Processos e Atores / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

Since its establishment, UNICEF has been providing development and humanitarian aid in various regions of the world. Firstly, the aid was given to regions damaged by the Second World War. Nowadays, the aid is given to regions hit by natural disasters, wars, famine or diseases. In 2016, UNICEF celebrated 70th anniversary of its existence. In order to maintain its worldwide scope of performance for such a long time, it created a top-bottom organizational structure, from which a top is represented by the headquarter composed of the Executive Board with member states, the Bureau and the Office of the Secretary of the Executive Board. The bottom is represented by field offices and the National Committees for UNICEF, which directly implement the programs and initiatives of UNICEF, and ensure fundraising activities. On the other hand, they provide the top with feedbacks about carried projects and actual situations from their countries. The linking part between the top and the bottom of the organizational structure are regional offices and external committees across UNICEF, such as the Division of Private Fundraising and Partnership (PFP). PFP also manages relationships between UNICEF and the National Committees for UNICEF, which are autonomous nongovernmental organizations. The relation between UNICEF and the National Committees for UNICEF offers a unique example of how an international organization can manage its work. The case-study of the Slovak Committee for UNICEF portrayed more specifically how UNICEF coordinates its work within its structures and why it is a unique example. Furthermore, the case-study focused on answering if and to what extend are the activities of the Slovak Committee for UNICEF influenced by the national environment with its specifics and conditions. From another perspective, it focused on answering if the Slovak Committee can apply its own approaches toward its activities or it must follow general approaches settled by UNICEF.

This dissertation investigates regime-based efforts by states to cooperate in providing assistance and protection to refugees since 1648. It argues from a constructivist perspective that state interests and identities are shaped both by other actors in the international system - including norm entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations, and international organizations - and by the broader normative environment. Refugees are a by-product of this environment. Fundamental institutions - including territoriality, popular sovereignty, and international law - formed a system in which exit was one of the few mechanisms of survival for those who were religiously and politically persecuted. This led states to recognize that people who were so persecuted were different from ordinary migrants and had a right to flee their own state and seek accommodation elsewhere. States recognized this right to leave, but did not recognize a requirement that any given state had a responsibility to accept these refugees. This contradiction creates a dilemma in international relations, one which states have sought to solve through international cooperation. The dissertation explores policy change within the United States and Great Britain at the international and domestic levels in order to understand the tensions within current refugee protection efforts. Three regimes, based in different normative understandings, have framed state cooperation. In the first, during the 19th century, refugees were granted protections under domestic and then bilateral law through extradition treaties. The second, in the interwar period, saw states taught by norm entrepreneurs that multilateral organizations could successfully assist refugees, though states remained unwilling to provide blanket assistance and be bound by international law. These issues led to the failure of states to accommodate Jewish refugees fleeing from Germany in the 1930s. The third, since the Second World War, had a greater consistency among its norms, especially recognition by states of the need for international law. Once again, this process was shaped by other actors, including the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). This regime has been challenged by increased refugee numbers and restrictions on the part of states, but its central purpose remains robust due to the actions of actors such as the UNHCR. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The thesis deals with the causes of emergence of the most important Latin American integration groups in a period since the end of the World War II till the present days. The set of groups consists of ALADI, CAN, SELA, OTCA, MERCOSUR, ACS-AEC, ALBA, UNASUR, CELAC, and the Pacific Alliance. The main goal of the thesis is to discover how did the power predominance of the United States contribute to the emergence of Latin American integration groups. The tested hypothesis is based on the concept of soft balancing, and assumes that the primary cause of emergence of Latin American integration groups was the fear of the power predominance of the United States. The causes of emergence are always examined from the perspective of the historical context and the founding treaty. If needed, other relevant documents are examined as well. Moreover, the thesis deals with the direct predecessors of the selected groups, too. Pursuant to 4 basic criteria, the selected integration groups were divided into 3 categories according to their relevance to represent the region of Latin America as a whole. Thanks to that, the qualitative evaluation of the causes of emergence of the groups could have been done. Apart from an overview of development of the Latin American integration process, the thesis also provides an answer...

Proměny konceptu neutrality v teorii a praxi vybraných evropských států Abstract The thesis explores the emergence of a unique concept of neutrality within each the three neutral European countries: Sweden, Switzerland and Austria. In then examines changes in the policy of neutrality over time within each compared states, with emphasis on the post - Cold War transition from a bipolar to a multipolar world order. It is concluded that the end of the Cold War has had a marked influence on changes in the concept of neutrality within each of the compared states, largely because of the emergence of novel threats which can be now more effectively controlled through international cooperation as opposed to unilateral action by a single nation.

<p>Rising levels of food insecurity is currently one of the most pressing issues in global politics. While the United Nations (UN) system has traditionally been responsible for addressing world hunger, the World Trade Organization (WTO) has emerged as a major site of global food security governance. As a result, the UN system and WTO now share authority over the global governance of food security. There are major tensions between these two regimes, with WTO trade rules making agriculture and food increasingly subject to market forces, while, in sharp contrast, the UN advances a human rights approach to food and a greater role for states and deeper constraints on the market. The WTO’s expanding authority over food security has prompted a counter-movement by the UN system, with UN institutions actively seeking to shape WTO trade rules in an attempt to limit the negative impacts of trade liberalization on world food security. This study develops a theory of international organizations as semi-autonomous actors that influence outcomes at competing institutional sites of global governance. This theoretical model, and its supporting empirical investigation, provide a novel contribution to the International Relations and International Political Economy literature on the role of state and non-state actors in contesting global governance. In particular, this study demonstrates that international organizations: act behind the scenes and in hidden ways in inter-state negotiations; perceive and adapt to new hierarchical configurations of power at the global level; and, engage in transnational political action that is motivated by moral and ethical concerns.</p> / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This study examines variations in the lending strategies of the four main agencies of the World Bank. Countries with similar basic development and demographic attributes often receive very different amounts of financial support from the different agencies of the World Bank. Utilizing regression analysis of panel-data covering the years between 1990 through 2011, the study finds that variation in the allocation of development aid both within and between the different World Bank agencies (IBRD, IDA, IFC, and MIGA) do not generally reflect patterns in objective indicators of economic need or institutional quality among recipients. Rather, statistical analysis shows that World Bank aid is positively correlated with several measures of donor influence. Utilizing a multi-donor model of political influence, the study finds evidence that the Bank’s top donors, countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, and Japan disproportionately influence the Bank to lend in ways that support their foreign policy interests. Countries with close economic, political, and geostrategic ties to powerful donors tend to receive more aid on average than their less well-connected peers. The data show that the Bank often lends in ways that contradict its own lending criteria. Despite the Bank’s explicit emphasis on economic need and institutional quality, the agencies of the World Bank often provide greater amounts of assistance to those with less need and poor quality governance. The study has implications for the study of international organizations, institutional design, and how donor influence at the World Bank is mediated by variations in internal agency structures. / Political Science

The aim of this thesis was to analyze the role of the European Union in maintaining international peace and security. The 1990s proved to be a decade of uncertainty and ambiguity in which both the UN, NATO, the WEU and the EU struggled to re-define themselves in relation to the radically altered security environment of the post-Cold War era. After the collapse of bipolar world, there are favorable conditions for more effective work of the United Nations Security Council as well as for greater role of international organizations to share responsibility for maintaining international peace and security. The lack of military instruments to support the policy aims of the Union contributed to pressure for the development of an EU defence dimension. The experience with crisis in Kosovo has led to significant developments since the late 1990s. The EU has acquired unprecedented military capability, a security strategy to inform its use and since 2003 it has engaged in several deployments of forces under the European Security and Defence Policy. Nowadays, the Lisbon treaty seems to be another milestone in the process of framing the EU as a military actor. The thesis is composed of four chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of issue relating to international peace and security. Chapter one is...