The content of this diploma thesis is a comparison of China and India, not only from an economic point of view, since the mid 1990's. Both countries are compared from the perspective of their specifics (geographical, political, cultural and human resources), macroeconomic indicators and economic sectors of each country. Savings, investments, foreign trade, FDI, infrastructure and membership in international organizations or corporations are all characterized throughout the paper. Prospective future developments, opportunities for foreign investments and cooperation between countries, as well as the present status of China and India in the world, are also briefly characterized in this thesis.

Institution spécialisée du système des Nations Unies créée à la sortie de la Seconde guerre mondiale, l'Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS) s'est vu confiée, par l'article premier de sa Constitution, le but « d'amener tous les peuples au niveau de santé le plus élevé possible ». Pour atteindre cet objectif, les États membres lui ont conféré vingt-deux fonctions dont une normative. Cette dernière lui permet, en théorie, d’adopter à la fois des instruments de santé non contraignants et d'autres contraignants. L'étendue du champ d'application de cette fonction permet à l'OMS d'élaborer des normes au contenu très divers et varié dès lors qu'elle agit dans le cadre de son objectif sanitaire. Parallèlement, en raison de difficultés internes, propres à son organisation régionalisée et à une concurrence externe accrue par la multiplication d'acteurs de santé mondiale, l'OMS est à un tournant de son histoire comme en atteste l'envergure de la réforme qui est toujours en cours depuis 2010. Dans ce contexte, il s'agit de comprendre et d'analyser l'influence du rôle normatif de l'OMS dans les systèmes de santé nationaux. D'abord, une évaluation de son autorité normative, qui apparaît affaiblie, est proposée afin de présenter des évolutions pour la renforcer et ainsi améliorer la protection de la santé mondiale au sein d'un droit international de la santé consolidé. Ensuite, l'étude approfondie de son activité normative est envisagée pour délimiter la conception de la norme de l'OMS par le prisme de son efficacité. L'objectif in fine est de proposer une réflexion sur l'avenir du rôle normatif de l'OMS. / The World health organization (WHO), as a specialized agency, was created, after the Second world war with the objective of, according to article 1 of its Constitution, the "attainment by all peoples of the highest possible level of health”. For that purpose, the WHO was granted twenty two functions by the Member States including a normative one. This normative function allows, in theory, the WHO to adopt both binding and non binding health instruments. The extent of the scope of this function offers a wide and diverse content to theses norms with the only limit that it pursues a health purpose. At the same time, the WHO shows internal difficulties, in part, due to its regional structure and overall lack of financing. Further, the increase number and diversity of actors of global health result in potential external competition with the WHO. The reform initiated in 2010 and still ongoing proves that the WHO is a turning point in its history. In this context, this research seeks to understand and analyze the influence of the normative role of the WHO on national health systems. First, we study the normative authority of the WHO which appears weakened. With the objective of increasing health protection based on a reinforced global health law paradigm, our proposals aim at strengthening the normative authority of WHO. Then, our in-depth analysis of the normative activity of the WHO allows to the define the conception of norm by the WHO using effectiveness as our analytical frame. Finally, this research offers an opportunity to reflect on the future of the normative role of the WHO.

Cette thèse propose une analyse socio-politique des relations internationales au sein d'une Organisation Mondiale, en partant du cas concret de l’UNESCO dans le cadre de l’établissement des listes du Patrimoine Mondial. L’analyse sociologique des interactions entre les acteurs intervenant dans le choix et la publication des listes du Patrimoine Mondial forme le socle sur lequel une théorisation des processus en jeu est déployée. Bien que l'UNESCO fournisse aux états des outils leur permettant d'atteindre leurs objectifs nationaux, l'UNESCO contribue également à l’établissement de valeurs universelles et d’identités cosmopolites. Les dynamiques d’établissement des listes et leur contenu apparaissent de plus en plus marqués par les démarches des acteurs (états et individus) qui y participent. Le rôle de l'UNESCO apparaît donc ambivalent, dans la mesure où elle est en partie garante des institutions et des valeurs fondamentales qui sous-tendent sa création, et où elle favorise les jeux d’influence, l’établissement de rapports de force et les conflits. Cette tension n’affecte pas pour autant la valeur perçue par de nombreux acteurs des listes produites, et elle n’entame que partiellement les représentations de la capacité de l’institution à promouvoir la paix et la compréhension entre les peuples. / This research project is a socio-political analysis of the International Relations within an International Organization, levering the practical case of UNESCO in the context of the establishing World Heritage Lists. It suggests a theorization of the underlying process, by which numerous actors take part in the selection and subsequent publication of World Heritage Lists. In addition to providing individual states with the tools to achieve their national objectives, UNESCO seem to contribute to the establishment of universal values and cosmopolitan identities. The establishment processes of these Lists and their content appear increasingly influenced by the behavior of their actors (i.e., states and individuals). In that context, the role of UNESCO seems ambivalent. It serves both as (a) guarantor for the underlying fundamental values of the institutions and as a place of (b) political economy, in which influences are exchanged between actors that can lead to power struggles and even conflicts. However, this tension doesn’t seem to impact the perceived value of the Lists by most actors and appears to only partially impact the perception of the Organization’s capacity to promote peace-building and closer relationships between peoples.

Die vorliegende Arbeit untersucht die Europäisierung der Statistik im Rahmen der Europäischen Gemeinschaft für Kohle und Stahl (EGKS), der Europäischen Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft (EWG) sowie der Europäischen Gemeinschaften (EG) seit den 1950ern bis in die 1970er-Jahre hinein. Die Genese und Entwicklung statistischer Verfahrensweisen im supranationalen Rahmen lässt sich jedoch nicht ohne den vorgelagerten und sie begleitenden Prozess des internationalen statistischen Vergleichs verstehen. Denn seit dem Zweiten Weltkrieg setzten auch die internationalen Organisationen verstärkt auf regionale statistische Vergleiche, wobei Europa hier eine zentrale Rolle einnahm. Von den in diesen Institutionen gemachten Erfahrungen profitierten die Europäischen Gemeinschaften einerseits, versuchten sich jedoch auch stets von ihnen abzugrenzen. Mit Blick auf die International Labour Organization (ILO), der Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) sowie der Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) analysiert die Arbeit folglich, inwiefern die EG-Institutionen tatsächlich einen statistischen „Sonderweg“ gingen oder ihre Arbeit nicht doch vielmehr in eine Linie mit den internationalen statistischen Vergleichen zu sehen ist. Ausgangspunkt aller internationalen und europäischen statistischen Harmonisierungsvorhaben waren unterdessen die nationalen statistischen Ämter (NSÄ). Wie die EG-Institutionen mit ihnen in langwierige Aushandlungsprozesse gingen, wird vor allem mit Blick auf Deutschland als Fallbeispiel analysiert. Mit dieser Herangehensweise verfolgt die Arbeit gleichzeitig das Anliegen, die Statistiken auf ihre Funktion als Sinnproduzenten zu befragen und macht diesen Ansatz somit für die Geschichte der europäischen Integration fruchtbar. Die Darstellungen gehen damit über eine reine Institutionengeschichte deutlich hinaus. Methodisch verfolgt die Arbeit einen akteurszentrierten Institutionalismus, der kulturgeschichtlich und diskursanalytisch ergänzt wird. / This paper examines the europeanization of statistics within the framework of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC), the European Economic Community (EEC), and the European Communities (EC) from the 1950s to the 1970s. However, the genesis and development of statistical practices in the supranational framework cannot be understood without the preceding and accompanying process of international statistical comparison. After all, since World War II, international organizations have also increasingly relied on regional statistical comparisons, with Europe playing a central role here. On the one hand, the European Communities profited from the experience gained in these institutions, but on the other hand, they always tried to distinguish themselves from them. With a view to the International Labour Organization (ILO), the Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) and the Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD), the thesis analyzes to what extent the EC institutions actually took a statistical "special path" or whether their work should rather be seen in line with international statistical comparisons. Meanwhile, the starting point for all international and European statistical harmonization projects was the national statistical institutes (NSIs). How the EC institutions entered into protracted negotiation processes with them is analyzed with Germany in particular as a case study. With this approach, the work pursues the concern of questioning statistics with regard to their function as producers of meaning and thus makes this approach fruitful for the history of European integration. Thus, the analysis clearly goes beyond a mere institutional history. Methodologically, the work follows an actor-centered institutionalism, which is complemented by cultural history and discourse analysis.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This paper seeks to answer the theoretical question: Do international organizations (IOs) bring peace and stability to international relations? The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) serves as a case study which can help answer this query. Initially, it is important to explore what realist and liberal scholars broadly argue on the matter of IOs, peace and stability. NATO as an organization is then examined, followed by the case study of the role it played in the Ukraine crisis. Many international organizations exist today which deal with a wide variety of issues. The League of Nations, though it failed to fulfill its mandate of maintaining worldwide peace, can be considered the first modern international organization and served as the model for its successor, the United Nations. Realists—who argue that states are the principal actor in international relations (IR) and that they are self-interested and mainly concerned with security and power—look upon IOs skeptically. Liberals, though, believe in cooperation among states and promote the proliferation of international organizations, extolling their virtues. The heated debate between these two ideologies is evident in the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) eastward expansion. NATO was originally designed to curb the Soviet threat and protect Western Europe from communist expansion. When the Cold War ended and NATO’s original mandate had therefore expired, liberals championed the continued existence and expansion of the organization. Realists, on the other hand, warned of negative repercussions, as they foresaw that eastward expansion of the alliance would be perceived as a threat by Russia. The 2014 Ukraine crisis provides a good case study which can help determine whether liberals or realists were right. Liberals have claimed that Russian aggression in the region justifies NATO expansion. Realists, however, have argued that it is the very fact of actual and prospective NATO expansion which has caused this aggression in the first place.

No description available.

[pt] Esta pesquisa trata das relações entre organizações internacionais e locais na área do combate à AIDS, mais especificamente a relação entre o Programa das Nações Unidas de HIV/AIDS e as ONGs locais que atuam nesse campo, como o Grupo pela Vidda (Brasil) e a Aids United (Estados Unidos), voltados para o esforço do controle epidemiológico do HIV/AIDS. A dissertação apresenta, primeiramente, o contexto histórico da pandemia e do ativismo nesses países. Em segundo plano, são analisadas as atividades do UNAIDS e como se estruturam o Grupo pela Vidda e a AIDS United com o objetivo de compreender a atuação e as formas de colaboração entre essas organizações. A última seção traz considerações finais sobre as relações entre tais grupos a fim de compreender como se dá a participação e colaboração de organizações locais no sistema internacional. / [en] This research deals with the relationship between international and local organizations around combating AIDS, more specifically the relationship between the United Nations HIV/AIDS Program and local NGOs that work in this field, such as Grupo pela Vidda (Brazil) and the Aids United (United States), focused on the epidemiological control of HIV/AIDS. The dissertation first presents the historical context of the pandemic and activism in these countries. In the background, the activities of UNAIDS and how the Grupo pela Vidda and AIDS United are structured are analyzed with the aim of understanding the performance and forms of collaboration between these organizations. The last section brings final considerations on the relationships between such groups to understand how the participation and collaboration of local organizations in the international system takes place.

Transboundary water treaties are established to prevent disputes over shared rivers between states. Nevertheless, empirical studies indicate that international organizations manage to bring cooperation between states in some cases and fail in others. This research explains why the efforts of international organizations to promote water cooperation sometimes succeed or sometimes fail and which factors contribute to their varying levels of success in different cases? International organizations are more likely to achieve cooperation between states with strong characters (less change in power dynamics) and share mutual benefits than weaker states (frequent shift in power dynamics) and have less shared benefits. I will examine how shared benefits and the character of the state can help international originations achieve cooperation or conflict that can be influenced by power asymmetry or by creating an imbalance/balance of power (causal mechanisms). Thus, weak riparian countries are less likely to achieve cooperation, increasing the probability of conflict. The hypothesis is tested on the Nile River Basin and the Indus River Basin, using a comparative analysis. The findings indicate an important relationship between the state’s characters, shared benefits, and the role of international organizations in bringing cooperation and preventing conflict between riparian states.

This thesis investigates the relationship between Fascist Italy and the League of Nations (LoN) during the interwar period, with a particular focus on the years from 1922 to 1935. This relationship was contradictory, shifting from moments of active collaboration to moments of open disagreement. The existing historiography on the Italian membership of the League has not reflected this oscillation in policy, focusing disproportionally on the crises Italy caused at the League. However, Fascist Italy remained in the League for more than 15 years, ranking as the third-largest power, and was fully engaged in the institution's work. This dissertation investigates the dynamics that developed between Fascist Italy and the LoN through a systematic study of the Italians involved. In so doing, it contributes to the historiography of the LoN and of the Italian foreign policy in the interwar period. The thesis argues that there was more to the Italian membership of the LoN than the Ethiopian crisis. It reveals the extent of the Italian presence and activity in the institution from the beginning, and demonstrates that the organization was more important to the Italian government than previously recognized. Membership of the League was essential to guarantee Italy international legitimation and recognition. Through an active appropriation of internationalism, the Italian government hoped to obtain practical benefits in the colonial sphere. The thesis uncovers the depth and variety of interactions between nationalism and internationalism in the case of Italy and the League, establishing that they did not oppose each other but rather interacted. This dissertation illustrates the complexity of being an Italian working in the League, as well as the grey areas between nationalism and internationalism evident within individual experiences. Finally, it shows the continuity of actors and expertise in Italy's international cooperation between the interwar and the post-1945 period.

L’adoption définitive en 2001 du Projet d’articles sur la responsabilité des organisations internationales par la Commission du Droit International constitue incontestablement un pas important dans l’élaboration d’un régime général de responsabilité, applicable à des entités fondamentalement hétérogènes du fait de leur capacité fonctionnelle. À l’heure de l’externalisation du maintien de la paix, les principes d’attribution de la responsabilité sont plus que jamais sollicités pour répondre à des situations nouvelles et inédites. Dans ce contexte, la question se pose de savoir dans quelle mesure ils permettent de répondre aux attentes d’un domaine en constante évolution, et dans lequel les organisations internationales sont de plus en plus nombreuses à intervenir. Il sera alors possible de montrer qu’un certain nombre de solutions peuvent en être dégagées. Néanmoins, ces principes mériteraient d’être précisés à certains égards, afin de pouvoir répondre à l’ensemble des nouvelles problématiques relatives à l’attribution de responsabilité qui sont susceptibles de se poser dans le cadre d’un maintien de la paix externalisé. / The final adoption in 2001 of the Draft articles on the responsibility of international organizations by the International Law Commission is indisputably a major step in the drafting of a general regime of responsibility, applicable to fundamentally heterogeneous entities owing to their functional capacity. In these times of peacekeeping externalization, the attribution of responsibility principles are more than ever called upon to provide an answer to new and unprecedented situations. In this framework, the question arises of whether these principles are able to give an answer to the expectations of an evolving area, in which the number of international organizations involved is increasing. It will then be possible to demonstrate that some solutions can be found. Nevertheless, these principles need to be clarified, in order to provide with a solution for all the new sets of problems that may arise regarding the attribution of responsibility, in an externalized peacekeeping framework.