L’adoption définitive en 2001 du Projet d’articles sur la responsabilité des organisations internationales par la Commission du Droit International constitue incontestablement un pas important dans l’élaboration d’un régime général de responsabilité, applicable à des entités fondamentalement hétérogènes du fait de leur capacité fonctionnelle. À l’heure de l’externalisation du maintien de la paix, les principes d’attribution de la responsabilité sont plus que jamais sollicités pour répondre à des situations nouvelles et inédites. Dans ce contexte, la question se pose de savoir dans quelle mesure ils permettent de répondre aux attentes d’un domaine en constante évolution, et dans lequel les organisations internationales sont de plus en plus nombreuses à intervenir. Il sera alors possible de montrer qu’un certain nombre de solutions peuvent en être dégagées. Néanmoins, ces principes mériteraient d’être précisés à certains égards, afin de pouvoir répondre à l’ensemble des nouvelles problématiques relatives à l’attribution de responsabilité qui sont susceptibles de se poser dans le cadre d’un maintien de la paix externalisé. / The final adoption in 2001 of the Draft articles on the responsibility of international organizations by the International Law Commission is indisputably a major step in the drafting of a general regime of responsibility, applicable to fundamentally heterogeneous entities owing to their functional capacity. In these times of peacekeeping externalization, the attribution of responsibility principles are more than ever called upon to provide an answer to new and unprecedented situations. In this framework, the question arises of whether these principles are able to give an answer to the expectations of an evolving area, in which the number of international organizations involved is increasing. It will then be possible to demonstrate that some solutions can be found. Nevertheless, these principles need to be clarified, in order to provide with a solution for all the new sets of problems that may arise regarding the attribution of responsibility, in an externalized peacekeeping framework.

The aim of this thesis is to find out how developing countries are involved into the global economy, what are the differences in engagement of different regions, and how international organizations (in particular IMF, WB, WTO and UNCTAD) influence the position of developing countries. The thesis also aims to evaluate conditions and possible developmental strategies, as well as causes of unsuccessful engagement. Further, the critical view on functioning of international organizations is brought. The thesis is divided into two parts; each of them consists of four chapters. The first part as a whole deals with the differentiation among developing countries and ways they are involved into the world economy. The second part shows the role of international institutions in the process of integration of developing countries.

Tentant de sortir du seul modèle connu et qui s’offre aux partenaires européens, à savoir l’OTAN, l’UE se fonde sur un système original et spécifique qui se veut plus efficace devant les défis de sécurité d’aujourd’hui et de demain. En parallèle, l’Alliance atlantique, qui tire pour beaucoup, sa légitimité de l’Histoire du continent européen, essaie de se maintenir en tant qu’acteur privilégié en matière de défense et de sécurité collective. L’objectif de cette thèse est de défendre l’idée de la pertinence de l’Union européenne en tant qu’acteur majeur dans le domaine de la défense et de sécurité tout en mettant en évidence les différences fondamentales entre celle-ci et l’action de l’Alliance atlantique. Ce travail de recherche fournit une analyse doctrinale et conceptuelle, à la fois « éclectique et pluraliste », pour répondre à la question de l’établissement de relations entre plusieurs institutions internationales de sécurité à partir des comportements étatiques en matière de sécurité et de défense collective. Cette analyse ne peut se faire sans se fonder sur les développements politiques et techniques ayant marqué ces vingt-cinq dernières années. Ces faits constituent des éléments tant explicatifs qu’évaluatifs du processus par lequel ces institutions naissent ou se modifient. Ils contribuent également à mettre en lumière les mécanismes d’interdépendance étroite entre l’Alliance atlantique et le processus de la PESD de l’Union européenne, et par ailleurs, de souligner l’originalité de cette dernière. Cette interdépendance existe sur le plan politique et dans ses différents aspects militaires (stratégique, opérationnel et tactique), ainsi que dans le volet technico-industriel ; elle résulte directement tant de la double appartenance historique des États membres à des instruments multilatéraux de sécurité, d’événements politiques majeurs touchant le continent européen, que des efforts entrepris pour faire converger les intérêts nationaux et, donc, le façonnage d’une culture stratégique. / The European Union bases its security system on genuine and specific approach which would allow the face the forthcoming challenges. Meanwhile it has attempted to untangle from the unique model of collective security in the Euroatlantic area, that is to say NATO. This study aims to defend the relevancy of the EU as a major international actor in a large scale of security missions. Moreover it highlights the main differences between the EU vis-à-vis the Alliance’s activities. It is based on a theoretical and conceptual analysis which uses both an eclectic and pluralist approach in order to provide answers on how States’ behavior in defense and collective security matters influences the setting up of relations between several international security institutions. This analysis derives from the political and technical developments that influenced the security landscape the last twenty-five years. These facts help to explain and to evaluate the process by which such institutions arise and develop. They finally contribute to highlight the tight and original interdependency of the between the Atlantic Alliance and the European Security and Defense Policy of the European Union. This interdependency is real from political, military (strategic, operational and tactical) and technical-industrial perspectives ; it directly originates from the historical dual belonging to the multinational security frameworks, from major political events on the European continent, as much as a joint effort to focus on common interests and the shaping of a strategic culture.

Le régime juridique relatif à la conservation de la biodiversité dans les zones maritimes internationales est actuellement au cœur des discussions entre États au sein des Nations Unies. En effet, la Convention des Nations Unies sur le droit de la mer, véritable «Constitution des océans», ne permet pas d’assurer une conservation effective de la biodiversité dans la Zone et en haute mer. En 1982, lorsqu’elle a été adoptée, la notion de «biodiversité» n’existait pas encore, la Convention s’y référant alors uniquement de manière indirecte. Certaines ressources comme les ressources génétiques marines ne sont ainsi pas couvertes par la Convention, de même que certaines activités, ou outils de protection tels que les aires marines protégées. De plus, la division des océans en différentes zones aux régimes juridiques distincts et fragmentés ne permet pas aux États de mettre en œuvre leurs obligations conventionnelles de manière efficace. L’adoption d’un nouvel accord de mise en œuvre de la Convention dans le cadre des Nations Unies pourrait permettre, dans une certaine mesure, de pallier ces diverses insuffisances. Cependant, l’issue des négociations reste encore incertaine. Finalement, il conviendra d’observer que seule une approche plus globale, fondée sur la reconnaissance de l’existence d’une obligation générale de conservation de la biodiversité dans les zones maritimes internationales, pourrait permettre de dépasser les limites inhérentes à une approche exclusivement spatiale de la conservation de la biodiversité dans des espaces communs à tous les États, aux régimes distincts voire opposés. / Marine biodiversity conservation beyond national jurisdiction is currently subject of discussions in the United Nations. Indeed, the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the «Constitution of the Oceans», is not sufficient to protect marine biodiversity efficiently, in the high seas and the Area. In 1982, the word «biodiversity» did not exist yet, so the Convention only refers to marine pollution or biological resources conservation or management. Some resources, as marine genetic resources, are not covered by the Convention, as well as certain activities or conservation and management tools like marine protected areas. The division of the oceans in different maritime zones, moreover, with distinct and fragmented legal regimes, does not allow States to accomplish their conventional obligations dealing with biodiversity conservation. The adoption of a new implementing agreement related to the United Nations Convention on the law of the sea and dealing with marine biodiversity conservation and sustainable use beyond national jurisdiction would clearly improve the cur-rent regime. However, such an agreement could turn not being enough toward this objective, and the achievement of the process of negotiation remains uncertain. Finally, it appears necessary to build a more global approach, resting on the identification of an international general obligation of conservation of marine biodiversity beyond national jurisdiction. Such a global approach helps to overcome the limits of the actual regime of conservation, which is centered on a spatial approach of marine biodiversity conservation in common spaces, having opposed legal regimes.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:20:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Priscila Caneparo dos Anjos.pdf: 760239 bytes, checksum: 5ee46b05e649692d78bf61e3f9b3099c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-09-21 / This research aims to study the main cases of human rights violations involving the Brazilian state, driven to within the American system of protection of human rights. Ultimately, this study intended to investigate the decisions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights on these issues. For the correct understanding of the issue, it was discussed the need to analyze some institutes of International Law, specifically international organizations and human rights. Accordingly, with respect to international organizations, the study examined its main points, covering its development history, its concept, its modifications according to the claims of society and, finally, its correlation to the protection and realization of human rights. Regarding the latter, the research needed to elaborate on their exponential issues involving its historical development, its conceptual determinations, the need for international protection and, in agreement with this, their systems of protection, both universal (present within the United Nations Organization) and regional (European, African, Arab and inter- American). Because of the main points of the study, the protection system of greater value was the inter-American system, enshrined in the Organization of American States, specifically in their Commission and Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The jurisdictionalization of this system is embodied in his Court, and, for a case of violation come to its attention, the Commission needs to understand that the Court s decision is essential. Thus, according to the survey, it was considered Brazil has a crucial role in the development of inter-American system, but, paradoxically, it is a major violator of human rights. The Brazilian state, in this sense, was sued by five times in the Inter-American Court - Damião Ximenes Lopes (Case 12237); Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho (Case 12058); Arley Joseph Escher and others (Case 12353), Garibaldi (Case 12478), and Julia Gomes Lund and others (Case 11552). Just in case of Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho it has not demonstrated that Brazil violated human rights.The conclusion was that Brazil was not a strong supporter and protector of human rights in the internalization and enforcement of these sentences. Brazil has only fulfilled part of the sentences. Finally, the study concluded that the inter-American system needs to enhance, despite its character of extreme importance in the protection of human rights. In the Brazilian case, it should treat their sentences more seriously to become a committed state not only to inter-American system, but also to the protection and realization of human rights of its citizens / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo o estudo dos principais casos de violações de direitos humanos, envolvendo o Estado brasileiro, levados ao âmbito do sistema interamericano de proteção de direitos humanos. Em última análise, destina-se esse estudo à investigação das decisões da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos nas referidas questões. Para a correta compreensão do tema, debateu-se sobre a necessidade do exame de alguns institutos de Direito Internacional, especificamente das organizações internacionais e dos direitos humanos. Nesse sentido, no que tange às organizações internacionais, examinou-se seus principais pontos, englobando seu desenrolar histórico, seu conceito, suas modificações de acordo com os reclames da sociedade e, por fim, sua correlação para com a proteção e efetivação dos direitos humanos. No que tange a esses últimos, viu-se a necessidade de discorrer sobre suas exponenciais questões, envolvendo seu desenvolvimento histórico, suas determinações conceituais, a necessidade de uma proteção a nível internacional e, em concordância com essa, seus sistemas de proteção, tanto universais (presente no quadro das Organizações das Nações Unidas), como regionais (sistema europeu, africano, árabe e interamericano). Por ali se encontrarem as questões cruciais do estudo, o sistema de proteção de maior valia fora o interamericano, consagrado na Organização dos Estados Americanos, mais especificamente em sua Comissão e Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. A jurisdicionalização do referido sistema encontra-se materializada em sua Corte, sendo que, para que um caso de violação chegue ao seu conhecimento, necessário se faz o crivo anterior da Comissão. Assim, de acordo com a pesquisa, entendeu-se ter o Brasil um papel crucial no desenvolvimento do sistema interamericano, mas, paradoxalmente, constitui-se como um grande violador dos direitos humanos. O Estado brasileiro, nesse sentido, fora demandado por cinco vezes na Corte Interamericana nos casos Damião Ximenes Lopes (Caso 12.237); Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho (Caso 12.058); Arley José Escher e Outros (Caso 12.353); Sétimo Garibaldi (Caso 12.478); e Julia Gomes Lund e Outros (Caso 11.552) -, tendo sido condenado em todos eles, à exceção do caso Gilson Nogueira de Carvalho. Chegou-se à conclusão que, na internalização e cumprimento das referidas sentenças, o Brasil não se demonstrou um fervoroso defensor e protetor dos direitos humanos, pois veio cumprir apenas parte dos dispositivos das referidas sentenças. Finalmente, pôde-se concluir, com esse trabalho, que o sistema interamericano, obstante seu caráter de extrema importância na proteção dos direitos humanos, necessita aprimorar-se para que a efetivação se torne uma realidade nos Estados que dele fazem parte e, no caso brasileiro, deverá o Brasil tratar suas condenações com mais seriedade para que, de fato, venha a ser um Estado comprometido não apenas ao sistema interamericano, mas igualmente à proteção e efetivação dos direitos humanos de seus cidadãos

後冷戰時期的亞太區域安全事務趨於複雜，區域性國際組織日漸興起，其中「東協區域論壇」（ASEAN Regional Forum, ARF）主要作為亞太國家協商區域安全合作的重要機制。本篇論文主要介紹「東協區域論壇」之成立背景、過程，以及其運作之具體成就，進而分析其在亞太區域安全中所具備之功能與扮演之角色。 「東協區域論壇」成立於一九九四年，目前共有二十二個成員國。後冷戰時期亞太區域多邊主義形成，加上區域安全架構面臨重組，使得多邊安全對話機制之形成有其必要。「東協區域論壇」成立之基本宗旨是促使亞太國家針對政治及國防安全議題，培養建設性對話之習慣。「東協區域論壇」在推動區域安全合作機制上，分三階段進行：第一階段為推動「信心建立措施」（Confidence Building Measures, CBMs）；第二階段為發展「預防外交」（Preventive Diplomacy）；第三階段則是發展區域衝突的解決機制。至一九九九年第六屆「東協區域論壇」年會為止，已在「信心建立」上達成可觀的成就，並於一九九七年開始朝第二階段「預防外交」推動。 亞太國家在「東協區域論壇」各項目標的推動下，逐漸對區域安全事務之合作建立共識，對於和緩國際緊張情勢，降低衝突昇高機率，具有正面而積極之意義。惟其組織結構鬆散，屬性為協商安全議題之區域性論壇，雖然「信心建立措施」與「預防外交」的推動實施有其顯著成果，要能夠達到具備解決區域衝突的機制，尚有許多仍待努力之處。 中華民國目前並非「東協區域論壇」之成員國，在中共排擠壓力下，無法參加此一多邊安全對話機制。不過，台灣在未來亞太區域安全政策的規劃上，可將「東協區域論壇」成員國所形成之安全共識，作為研究實施之參考。同時，加強「綜合性安全」（comprehensive security）以及「合作性安全」（cooperative security）目標之追求，尋求各種多邊安全合作之途徑，在亞太區域安全中扮演積極之角色。如此可避免我國安全利益受損，並可增加參與國際社會之機會。 第一章、 緒 論 第一節 研究動機與研究宗旨 第二節 研究方法與限制 第三節 研究範圍 第二章、東協區域論壇之成立與運作 第一節 東協區域論壇之成立背景與過程 第二節 東協區域論壇之宗旨與目標 第三節 東協區域論壇之基本架構 第四節 東協區域論壇之運作模式 第三章、東協區域論壇之成就 第一節 歷屆東協區域論壇年會(外長會議)主要議題 第二節 東協區域論壇推動區域安全合作之各項成就 第三節 東協區域論壇對南海問題之態度與處理方式 第四章、東協區域論壇與亞太強權之關係 第一節 東協區域論壇與美國之關係 第二節 東協區域論壇與中共之關係 第三節 東協區域論壇與日本之關係 第五章、結 論

The concept of producing energy from biomass has, for the last two decades, occupied attention of policy-makers, private industries, researchers and civil societies around the world. The highly contested and contingent character of the biofuel production, its entanglement in the nexus of three problematic issues of energy, climate and agriculture, as well as its injection into the current socioeconomic arrangements, is what makes it timely to analyse. The thesis sheds light on the state of international debate on bioenergy by looking at deliberations of three major global institutions: Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), International Energy Agency (IEA) and Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC). The primary aim is to trace and analyse how the concept of bioenergy is conceptualized and contextualized in assessments, reports, policy papers and other documents issued by FAO, IEA and IPCC in the 1990-2010 period. The secondary aim of the thesis, based on results derived from the primary objective, is set to problematize and reflect upon currently dominating socioeconomic arrangements that the concept of biomass-derived energy is inserted into. The research questions are organized around four distinctively contentious issues in the debate: biofuel production in developing countries, the food vs. fuel dilemma, bioenergy as a win-win-win solution and the future role of the second-generation bioenergy technology. The research questions are operationalized by applying four theoretical perspectives: the world-economy, Michel Foucault’s genealogy, discourse theory of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, and Fredric Jameson’s critical approach. The institutional debate illustrates that, while bioenergy appears to be an easy, plausible and thus attractive patch able to temporarily fix societal challenges of energy insecurity, climate change and agricultural crisis without changing much in the socioeconomic structure, its implementation exposes internal discrepancies of the hegemonic capitalist system. Whether bioenergy could actually function as a feasible win-win-win solution is of secondary importance. It is its economic feasibility expressed in the pressure on cost-effectiveness that matters the most but, at the same time, causes serious internal discrepancies in conceptualizations pursued by the organizations. The results point to two main conclusions. On the one hand, bioenergy is inevitably entrapped by the rules and arrangements of the hegemonic system that, in turn, cause internal contradictions. On the other hand, the institutional debate attempts to stabilize the shaky conceptualization of bioenergy, so that it can appear consistent and plausible, even if the possibility of reaching the closure of meaning fades away, with more conflicts on the rise. Furthermore, the results also show that the three international organizations exhibit uniform patterns of argumentations and the way they similarly discuss biomass-derived energy illustrates the objective to stabilize the meaning and adjust the concept of bioenergy to the hegemonic system. / Under de senaste två decennierna har idén om att producera energi av biomassa rönt stor uppmärksamhet bland forskare, företagare, beslutsfattare och i samhället i övrigt. De förhållandevis många kontroverser och alternativ som är förbundna med produktion av biobränslen, deras koppling till de tre problemområdena energi, klimat och jordbruk, samt deras etablering inom samtida geopolitiska, socioekonomiska och miljömässiga sammanhang, gör dem till en aktuell fråga att analysera. Avhandlingen belyser den internationella debatten genom att fokusera överväganden och ståndpunkter inom tre globala institutioner: FN:s mat- och jordbruksorgan (FAO), Internationella Energiorganet (IEA) och FN:s klimatpanel (IPCC). Huvudsyftet är spåra och analysera hur begreppet bioenergi formas och kontextualiseras i bedömningsrapporter och policydokument producerade av FAO, IEA och IPCC under perioden 1990-2010. Ett ytterligare syfte är att problematisera och reflektera över de socioekonomiska förhållanden som bioenergibegreppet ingår i. Forskningsfrågorna är formulerade utifrån fyra kontroversiella områden i debatten: biobränsleproduktion i utvecklingsländer, dilemmat mat kontra biobränsle, bioenergi som en ”win-win-win-lösning” och den framtida roll som tillskrivs andra generationens bioteknologi. Forskningsfrågorna operationaliseras genom att var och en knyts till ett av fyra teoretiska perspektiv: världssystemteori, Michel Foucaults genealogi, Ernesto Laclaus och Chantal Mouffes diskursteori respektive Fredric Jamesons kritiska ansats. I debatten framställs ofta bioenergi som ett enkelt och rimligt alternativ med kapacitet att tillfälligt lösa samhälleliga utmaningar som energi-osäkerhet, klimatförändringar och jordbrukskrisen, dock utan att den socioekonomiska strukturen ändras nämnvärt. Analysen visar emellertid att begreppsliggörandet istället påvisar interna diskrepanser i det hegemoniska, kapitalistiska systemet. Huruvida bioenergi verkligen kan fungera som en sådan ”win-win-win”- lösning framstår som sekundärt i dessa texter. Det är kostnadseffektiviteten som har störst betydelse, men samtidigt skapar man här allvarliga begreppsliga diskrepanser inom organisationerna. Utfallet av analysen pekar på två huvudslutsatser. Å ena sidan är bioenergin oundvikligen låst av det hegemoniska systemets struktur och de motsägelser som det rymmer. Å andra sidan tycks debatten inom organisationerna söka efter en stabilisering av det instabila begreppsliggörandet av bioenergin så att den framstår som konsistent och möjlig. Vidare visar analysen också att de tre organisationerna har liknande argumentationsmönster, och det likartade sätt på vilket de diskuterar energi från biomassa illustrerar en stabilisering av mening inom diskursen där bioenergibegreppet anpassas till det hegemoniska systemet.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

This dissertation investigates the history of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (WCIP) and the broader movement of Indigenous internationalism. It argues that Indigenous internationalists were inspired by the process of decolonization, and used its logic to establish a new political identity. The foundation of the WCIP helped create a network of Indigenous peoples that expressed international solidarity between historically unconnected communities. The international efforts of Indigenous activists were encouraged both by personal experiences of international travel and post-secondary education, and by the general growth of international non-governmental organizations during the late twentieth century. The growing importance of international non-governmental organizations helped the WCIP secure funding from international developmental aid agencies, a factor which pushed the organization to increase its focus on apolitical economic development relative to the anti-colonial objectives which inspired its foundation. This dissertation examines how Indigenous international organizations became embroiled in the Cold War conflict in Latin America, and the difficulties this situation posed for both the WCIP and the International Indian Treaty Council. Finally, it examines how the prominence of the World Council faded, as major international bodies like the United Nations began to acknowledge the importance of Indigenous peoples, and as Indigenous organizations sought to participate directly in new international fora rather than contributing through the WCIP.