Si la démocratie désigne le régime politique où l’appareil institutionnel d’Etat traduit la volonté du peuple, la démocratisation caractériserait ainsi tout processus conduisant un système politique autoritaire à plus d’ouverture et de participation. Mais cette démocratisation n’est pas que le résultat de dynamiques internes, elle est également, et de plus en plus le fait d’acteurs externes, en particulier des organisations internationales. Dès la fin de la guerre froide en effet, convaincues que la démocratie constitue le régime politique qui offre les meilleures garanties de respect des droits de l’homme, des organisations internationales, universelles comme régionales, l’Organisation des Nations Unies en tête, se sont résolument investies aussi bien d’un point de vue normatif qu’opérationnel dans sa promotion, au point parfois de remettre en cause le principe pourtant bien établi de souveraineté des Etats. La promotion de la démocratie par les organisations internationales obéit à un régime juridique dont l’ambivalence initiale a progressivement laissé place à une certaine cohérence. Ce régime met à la charge des Etats des droits individuels et collectifs dont le respect est contrôlé, voire parfois sanctionné par des mécanismes politiques et juridictionnels, mais dont l’efficacité apparait toutefois incertaine, rappelant ainsi la complexité et la sensibilité de la question démocratique en droit international. / If democracy refers to the political regime in which the state institutional apparatus reflects the will of the people, democratization would thus characterize any process leading to a more open and participatory authoritarian political system. But this democratization is not only the result of internal dynamics, it is also, and increasingly, the result of external actors, in particular international organizations.Since the end of the Cold War, convinced that democracy is the political system that offers the best guarantees of respect for human rights, international organizations, both universal and regional, with the United Nations in the lead, have resolutely invested themselves both from a normative and operational point of view in democracy promotion, sometimes to the point of questioning the well-established principle of State sovereignty. The promotion of democracy by international organizations is governed by a legal regime whose initial ambivalence has gradually given way to a certain coherence. This regime places individual and collective rights on States, the respect for which is monitored or even sanctioned by political and jurisdictional mechanisms, but whose effectiveness appears uncertain, thus recalling the complexity and sensitivity of the democratic question in international law.

The origins of Latin American regional integration can be found in the first half of nineteenth century, nevertheless the biggest boom of integration in Latin America have been observed during the last sixty years. Just after the World War II the Organization of American States was established followed by Latin American Free Trade Association, and many others. This thesis analyses the progress and its problems of six major processes of regional integration: OAS; LAFTA/LAIA; Andean Community; processes of integration in Central America and Caribbean; and MERCOSUR. The Thesis is complemented by brief introduction to theories of integration and by a summary of remaining processes of integration since WWII to the present.

VOVES, Petr. Úloha Světové zdravotnické organizace v případu epidemie viru eboly na území západní Afriky v roce 2014. Praha, 2017. 95 s. Diplomová práce (Mgr.) Univerzita Karlova, Fakulta sociálních věd, Institut politologických studií. Katedra mezinárodních vztahů. Vedoucí diplomové práce PhDr. Irah Kučerová, Ph.D. Abstract The M.A. thesis deals with the World Health Organization's response to the outbreak of the ebola virus disease in Guinea, Liberia and Sierra Leone in 2014. The spread of the disease is mapped from its very beginning at the end of December 2013 until the creation of UNMEER in September 2014, which was the first international medical mission ever created by UN Security Council. The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the particular problems, which limit WHO's role in a timely and effective response to the public health threats of international concern (PHEIC) under the reformed International Health Regulations (IHR). The response of WHO representatives to the spread of the disease is evaluated taking into account the available material and competence capacities of the organization as well as its previous practice in this field. The specific misconduct of WHO representatives is explained in the context of longstanding WHO's problems, which are mainly linked to the vertical fragmentation...

The target of this research is to reveal causal factors that influence the way policy goals and instruments of international organizations in the domain of human trafficking are designed. By tracking evolutions of anti-trafficking policies undergone by the Council of Europe and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the thesis demonstrates impact of specific factors on changes in the functioning of international organizations. To unravel mechanism explaining the internal workings of a policy formation within an IO, the thesis considers and tests theoretical assumptions of three rivalling theories on institutions; the realism, historical institutionalism and neoliberal institutionalism. Premises of respective theories, which offer contrasting perspectives on the functioning of international organizations, will help to formulate corresponding independent variables. The dependant variable being the changing design of institutions, the detailed cross-case analysis spanning a period of one decade uncovers causal relations between independent dependent variables. Thus, by means of time series data collection, patterns revealing which of independent variables can be designed as responsible for observed changes becomes visible. In this way, the study is able to answer to what extent...

The liberal theory of international relations primarily associates international cooperation with liberal democratic states, to the point that a theory of scholars Poast and Urpelainen claim that international cooperation with consolidated democracies through international organizations may boost the democratization of or at least prevent democratic backsliding in non-consolidated democracies. This paper investigates the possibility of decoupling these theories from democracies and democratizing by examining whether Chinese efforts within the framework of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the Belt and Road foreign policy project have a similar but reverse effect on its target states, prompting developments in authoritarian directions. Though the results of study are inconclusive on account of the relative youth of the studied IOs, they indicate a strong possibility that could do with further study.

[pt] A dissertação parte do desejo de investigar a ação de organizações internacionais e de organizações não governamentais em favelas, principalmente no Rio de Janeiro. Iniciar essa discussão demanda uma especulação se os modelos de projetos sociais utilizados por essas instituições em algumas comunidades são uma boa forma de criar a legitimidade necessária para trazer soluções que respeitem as visões de mundo e os anseios dos locais. A partir desta análise, a pesquisa pretende reconhecer a importância do local como sujeito de elaboração e execução dos seus próprios projetos através da construção compartilhada entre o local e o internacional. Há uma busca pela compreensão da lógica utilizada nesta forma de ação tanto pela via teórica quanto prática. Após a revisão bibliográfica, o trabalho analisa três projetos como forma de estudos de caso: i) Plataforma dos Centros Urbanos, do Unicef; ii) Jovens Construtores, do YouthBuild International em parceria com o Cedaps iii) Índice de Segurança da Criança, do Instituto Igarapé. Com isso, a pesquisa pretende repensar a lógica top-down da aplicação de projetos sociais. / [en] The dissertation departs from the desire to investigate the action of international organizations and non-governmental organizations in slums (favelas), mainly in Rio de Janeiro. The discussion begins with the inquiry whether the kind of project used by these institutions in some communities is a good way to create the legitimacy necessary to bring solutions that respect the interests and point of view of locals. Based on this analysis, the research aims to establish the importance of the local as a subject responsible both for drafting and implementing their own projects through the shared construction between the local and the international. The study aims to understand the logic used in this type of action through both the theoretical and the practical way. After a literature review, the dissertation analyses three case studies: i) Platform for Urban Centers, from UNICEF ii) YouthBuild, from YouthBuild International in partnership with CEDAPS iii) Child Security Index, from the Igarapé Institute. Concluding, this research seeks to question the current top-down logic used in social projects.

Créée en 2002 en remplacement de l’OUA, l’Union africaine affiche l’ambition de trouver des solutions africaines aux problèmes africains en ajoutant l’article 4 dans son Acte constitutif. Cet article lui donne le droit de déployer une force militaire au sein d’un État membre pour protéger les civils lors de violations de droits de l’homme, de génocide ou de crimes contre l’humanité. Tandis que les conflits intraétatiques continuent de faire rage sur le continent africain, l’UA et ses États membres n’ont jamais autorisé — sans y renoncer — une intervention humanitaire contre l’un de ses membres. Ce mémoire vise à connaitre les raisons pour lesquelles les dirigeants africains ont renoncé à déployer une force militaire pour protéger les civils burundais en 2015, et ce, malgré le fait que l’UA l’a initialement recommandé quelques semaines plus tôt. En s’inspirant de la théorie réaliste des relations internationales, cette étude du conflit burundais de 2015 démontre que la non-intervention de l’UA est avant tout liée à un manque de volonté de la part des dirigeants africains qui ont privilégié leurs intérêts personnels ainsi que les intérêts économiques de leur pays au détriment de l’urgence humanitaire au Burundi. De plus, plusieurs dirigeants africains, qui ont un contentieux avec Paul Kagamé et qui voient le Burundi comme un contrepoids à l’influence rwandaise, se sont positionnés contre la MAPROBU pour léser le Rwanda. Ensuite, l’abandon de la MAPROBU s’explique aussi par le fait que le Conseil de Paix et de Sécurité est totalement dépendant de la volonté des États membres et ne dispose pas de l’autonomie institutionnelle nécessaire pour autoriser le déploiement des troupes de l’UA au Burundi. / Created in 2002 to replace the OAU, the African Union’s desire to find African solutions to African problems was demonstrated by the addition of Article 4 to its Constitutive Act, which gives the Union the authority to deploy a military force within a member state to protect civilians from human rights violations, genocide or crimes against humanity. While intrastate conflicts are still devastating the African continent, the AU has never authorized a humanitarian intervention against one of its members. This master’s thesis seeks to explain why the African leaders did not authorize the deployment of a military force to protect Burundian civilians in 2015, despite the fact that the AU had initially recommended it a few weeks earlier. Based on the realist approach in International Relations, this case study demonstrates that the decision not to intervene in Burundi is primarily due to a lack of commitment from African leaders who have prioritized their own interests as well as economic interests over the humanitarian urgency in Burundi. In addition, many African leaders, who see Paul Kagame as a rival, perceive Burundi as a counterweight to Rwanda’s influence. Therefore, their position against MAPROBU is also intended to undermine Rwanda. Secondly, the decision not to deploy MAPROBU could be explained by the fact that the Peace and Security Council (PSC) is totally dependent on the will of member states and does not have the necessary institutional autonomy to authorize the deployment of AU troops in Burundi.

The thesis is focused on a specific area of intellectual property field, namely the system of protection of Intellectual property whose current form has been shaped by the international organizations, especially by the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) and the World Trade Organization (WTO). There has therefore been allocated extra space in the thesis to make the reader familiar with these respective organizations, especially with their organizational structure, decision-making procedures and activities. Important part of the thesis is analysis of current relations between WIPO and WTO, including its negative aspects. The thesis also contains section devoted to possible future development of the relations between WIPO and WTO.

La notion d’administration internationale post-belligérante est spécifique au sein des administrations de territoire en relations internationales, au côté des opérations de paix. Lors de situations exceptionnelles, une Autorité internationale est instaurée lors de périodes transitoires, qui oscillent entre la guerre et la paix, pour remédier à des différends territoriaux et/ou à des problèmes de gouvernance. Cette institution politique repose sur le fait qu’un acteur international est responsable de l’administration d’un territoire de manière temporaire dans une situation de post-belligérance, qu’il exerce sa fonction dans l’intérêt de la population et de la société internationale, qu’il superpose les ordres juridiques international et interne, qu’il établit des structures de gouvernance mixtes et qu’il peut intervenir dans les relations internationales au nom du territoire administré. Pour élaborer une réflexion sur ce concept, il faut faire le lien entre le droit international public et les relations internationales afin de disséquer « l’idée » et d’établir ainsi une grille de lecture. Dans la pratique, l’expérimentation en matière d’administration internationale post-belligérante se divise entre la phase plénière, le partenariat et l’appropriation locale du processus afin d’entrevoir la finalité de ce mécanisme : la construction d’une passerelle entre la prégnance de l’étatisme au sein du système international et la diffusion des normes de la société internationale. Ceci est révélé à la lumière des expériences de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, du Kosovo et du Timor oriental. / Beside peace operations, the concept of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration is a particular form of territorial administration in international relations. In exceptional situations, an international Authority is set up during transitional periods that fluctuate between war and peace to settle territorial disputes and/or problems of governance. The basis of this type of political institution is that an international actor has responsibility for the temporary administration of a territory in a post-belligerent situation, that it discharges that function in the interest of the population and of international society, that it juxtaposes the international and internal legal orders, that it establishes joint governance structures and that it can act in international relations on behalf of the territory it administers. Studying this concept entails establishing the connection between public international law and international relations so that one can dissect the “idea” and determine an approach. In practice, experimentation in the realm of international post-belligerent (post-conflict) administration comprises a plenary phase, partnership and local ownership of the process and has as its end-purpose the building of a bridge between the impact of statism in the international system and the propagation of the norms of international society. This is demonstrated in the light of the developments in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and East Timor.

Pour réglementer les activités de navigation civile internationale, aérienne et maritime, les États ont choisi d’agir au moyen de deux institutions spécialisées du système des Nations Unies. L’Organisation de l’aviation civile internationale (OACI) et l’Organisation maritime internationale (OMI) ont été investies du pouvoir de superviser l’élaboration de règles techniques applicables à ces matières. De façon générale, les règles adoptées par ces Organisations doivent, pour prendre effet, être acceptées par les États, sous diverses formes (tacites ou expresses, collectives, voire individuelles). Leur application est tributaire d’actes unilatéraux des États, qui agissent parfois collectivement, étant souvent amiablement contrôlés par l’OACI ou l’OMI. Derrière une apparente clarté, se dissimulent des zones d’ombre. Outre, la situation des tiers et des personnes privées, et les rapports entre l’ordre international et les ordres juridiques étatiques, la nature de ces institutions normatives interroge. Y voir des autorités normatives agissant sur le fondement de pouvoirs constitués serait, en effet, ignorer le jeu incessant de la volonté des États, qui, partout là où il étire les pouvoirs de l’institution, montre l’irréductible liberté contractuelle et constituante de ces mêmes États. Le degré de centralisation de ces systèmes s’effacerait sous le constat que leur effectivité repose sur la volonté même de leurs sujets, plus ou moins tenue par des nécessités techniques, ce qui n’est pas sans conséquences pratiques. / In order to regulate the international civil navigation (air and maritime), the States have chosen to act through two specialized United Nations agencies. Hence they confered the International Civil Aviaton Organization (ICAO) and the International Maritime Organization (IMO) the power to oversee the elaboration of technical rules relevant to this field. In general, the rules adopted by these organizations require various forms of States acceptance to be effective (i.e. express or implied, collective or individual forms). Their implementation depends on unilateral acts of States, that can sometimes act sometimes collectively. And the States are often amicably controlled by the ICAO or the IMO. Behind the apparent clarity, lay some gray areas. Beyond the situation of third and private individuals, and the relationship between international order and national legal systems, one can wonder about the nature of these normative institutions. These could be perceived as normative authorities acting on the basis of an established power. However, this interpretation would ignore the incessant game of States’ will. Whenever the will of the States stretches the power of the institution, the irreducible constituent and contractual freedom of the States appears. The degree of centralization of these systems would be blurred by the observation that their effectiveness depends on the willingness itself of their subjects, which is more or less held by technical necessities, and that would not be without practical consequences.