ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

Submitted by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-11-12T17:54:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Mario Mesquita (mbarroso@fiocruz.br) on 2014-11-12T18:46:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-11-12T18:46:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciana_Lindenmeyer_EPSJV_Mestrado_2011.pdf: 594898 bytes, checksum: ebf03840abba7390b63eeefc71911adf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Fundação Oswaldo Cruz. Escola Politécnica de Saúde Joaquim Venâncio. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Profissional em Saúde. / A dissertação analisa, numa perspectiva crítico-ideológica, o discurso de dois manuais produzidos por organismos internacionais (OMS e OPAS) situados no campo da Comunicação e Saúde (C&S) e direcionados, em específico, para as situações de “emergência e desastre”. O estudo se justifica pela concentração da literatura deste campo na crítica à comunicação instrumental e suas formas de superá-la, exigindo uma produção científica no que diz respeito ao trabalho e à formação. Para tal, este trabalho apresenta, primeiramente, as relações entre a comunicação, a hegemonia e a mundialização no capitalismo atual. Discute ainda, de forma sucinta, o surgimento da C&S e as políticas que regem este contexto, assim como o trabalho e a formação dos profissionais que atuam neste campo. Problematiza, também, as questões da sociedade divida em classes e da pedagogia das competências no contexto do trabalho e educação. Aborda ainda a importância dos organismos internacionais da área da saúde na consolidação de um discurso hegemônico para o trabalho no campo da C&S. A partir do referencial teórico-metodológico da crítica discursivo-ideológica, foram definidas quatro categorias de análise do discurso nos manuais: população; emergências e desastres; trabalho e formação; e comunicação e saúde. O resultado do estudo foi a comprovação de um conjunto articulado de sentidos que produzem o discurso hegemônico, a saber: o controle da participação popular atrelado à fragmentação da população; a emergência e o desastre como isolados da produção social; a saúde como efeito; a comunicação como instrumental; e o trabalho e a formação como comportamentais. / The paper examines, from a perspective critical-ideological, the discourse of two manuals produced by international organizations (WHO and PAHO) situated in the field of Communication and Health and directed, in particular, for situations of "emergency and disaster." The study is justified by the concentration of the literature of this field in the critique of instrumental communication and ways to overcome it, requiring a scientific production in relation to work and education. To this end, this paper presents, firstly, the relationship between communication, hegemony and globalization in contemporary capitalism. It also discusses, briefly, the emergence of the field of Communication and Health and policies governing this context, as well as work and education of professionals working in this field. Also discusses the issues of society divided into classes and pedagogy skills in work and education. It also discusses the importance of international organizations in health for the consolidation of a hegemonic discourse to work in the field of Communication and Health. From the theoretical and methodological critique of the discursive and ideological, were defined four categories of discourse analysis in hand, namely: population, emergencies and disasters, work and training, and communication and health. The study results are evidence of a coordinated set of meanings that produce the hegemonic discourse, namely: the control of popular participation linked to the fragmentation of the population, emergency and disaster as isolated from social production, the effect of health, communication as instrumental, and work and training as a behavioral.

Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T13:18:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Scherma_MarcioAugusto1983-_M.pdf: 1731355 bytes, checksum: 222e0016d2582a37a6de7a95c45ed13e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Esta dissertação analisa as linhas de atuação do Banco Interamericano de Desenvolvimento (BID) no Brasil, desde sua criação, em 1959, até o ano de 2006 (final do primeiro governo Lula), tendo como preocupação central detectar uma possível mudança no modo de atuação do BID a partir de fins da década de 80 e início dos anos 90, período de crise na América Latina. A hipótese da dissertação é que, embora tenha o BID sido influenciado pelo receituário do ¿Consenso de Washington¿ e por idéias mais liberais oriundas dos Estados Unidos durante os 70-80, as raízes do Banco garantiram a ele um papel mais independente do que outras instituições, fazendo com que, no caso do BID, as conhecidas ¿condicionalidades¿ nos empréstimos fossem menos relevantes e contassem com menos exigências. Acreditamos que e exemplo brasileiro é interessante para demonstrar isso, já que as chamadas ¿reformas neoliberais¿ ocorrem mais tardiamente no Brasil do que em outros países da América Latina; o que nos levou a questionar qual fora o real papel de organizações internacionais como o BID no processo de adoção destas reformas. Escolhemos o caso específico do BID por ser, esta instituição, a maior fonte multilateral de crédito brasileira / Abstract: This dissertation examines the lines of action of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB) in Brazil, since its creation in 1959, until the year 2006 (end of the first government Lula), with the main objective of detecting a possible change in the mode of action of the IADB from the end of the decade of 80 and the early 90, a period of crisis in Latin America. The hypothesis of this dissertation is that although the IADB has been influenced by the prescriptions of the "Washington Consensus" and some kind of liberal ideas from the United States during the 70¿s-80¿s, the bank¿s roots assured it more independence than others institutions, so that in the case of the IADB, the well-knowned "conditionalities" in loans were less relevant and contracted with fewer requirements. We believe that the brazilian example is interesting to demonstrate this, because the so-called "neoliberal reforms" occured later in Brazil than in other Latin American countries; what led us to question what was the real role of international organizations such as the IADB in the process of adopting these reforms. We have chosed the specific case of the IADB because this institution is the largest source of multilateral credit of Brazil / Mestrado / Política Externa / Mestre em Relações Internacionais

[pt] Com o objetivo de estudar a questão da aquiescência às normas no sistema internacional, esta pesquisa enfoca o projeto da União Européia (UE), e mais especificamente da Comissão Européia, para o alargamento do bloco para a Europa Central e do Leste (ECL). A UE criou normas de condicionalidade para a adesão dos países da ECL, que incluíam uma economia de mercado, democracia liberal e respeito aos direitos humanos. Através de ações da Comissão Européia, a UE trabalhou para que os países da ECL cumprissem essas normas. Os autores que trabalham com a questão da aquiescência costumam dividir-se entre os defensores do uso de sanções (enforcement) e os que defendem a busca de soluções para situações de violação da regra (administração). Segundo esta última perspectiva, uma estratégia que vise administrar a aquiescência por meio de construção de capacidades e transparência deve ser mais eficaz em garantir o cumprimento da norma. A hipótese desta pesquisa é a de que as ações da Comissão para o alargamento pautaram-se pela administração da aquiescência às normas de condicionalidade. / [en] With the goal of studying compliance in the international system, this research focuses the project of the European Union (EU), and more specifically of the European Commission, for the enlargement to the Central and Eastern European countries (CEECs). The EU established conditionality norms for membership of those countries, which included a market economy, liberal democracy and respect to the human rights. Through actions of the European Commission, the EU worked so that the countries of CEE accomplished those norms. The debate about compliance is framed in terms of contending perspectives: enforcement theorists, who advocate the coercive use of sanctions, and the management scholars, who advocate a problem- solving approach. According to the latter, a strategy that seeks to manage compliance through capacity building, rule interpretation, and transparency is more effective in guaranteeing compliance than a coercive one. The hypothesis of this research is that the actions of the Commission for the enlargement were based on the management perspective of compliance with the conditionality norms.

Le « tournant néolibéral » des années 1970 a fait l’objet d’analyses diverses et parfois contradictoires. Notre thèse se propose d’en enrichir la compréhension à travers une analyse discursive comparée de trois organisations internationales étroitement concernées par ces évolutions :la Banque mondiale, l’OCDE et l’OIT. Nous partons en effet du principe que le « tournant néolibéral » fut aussi un tournant discursif et que les organisations internationales en furent des acteurs et relais clés. Des relais parce que les tenants de la stratégie néolibérale ont cherché à la déployer dans et à travers ces institutions, mais des acteurs aussi parce que pour ce faire, les « néolibéraux » ont dû tenir compte des pratiques discursives et extra-discursives pré-instituées qui caractérisaient ces organisations internationales jusque-là. C’est ainsi que selon nous, mêmes des institutions hégémoniques comme la Banque mondiale et l’OCDE n’ont pas seulement reproduit la stratégie et le discours néolibéraux, elles l’ont aussi (et surtout) co-produit et co-déterminé selon leurs propres caractéristiques historiques et institutionnelles, avec des conséquences potentiellement diverses (voire conflictuelles). Et c’est encore plus le cas d’une institution comme l’OIT, dont le mandat et la structure la rendent structurellement incompatible avec le projet néolibéral. Sans véritable possibilité de s’y opposer de front, mais sans pouvoir également s’y conformer totalement sauf à renier jusqu’à sa propre raison d’être, il nous semble que la seule solution qu’il lui restait consistait dès lors à y « répondre stratégiquement », notamment d’un point de vue discursif. Pour le démontrer nous avons donc entrepris de réaliser une analyse lexicométrique de trois corpus de textes composés respectivement de tout ou parties des rapports sur le développement dans le monde de la Banque mondiale, des rapports d’activités de l’OCDE et des rapports annuels du Directeur Général de l’OIT publiés entre 1970 et 2015. À travers elle, nous avons cherché à comprendre les logiques de recontextualisation discursive qui ont accompagné le déploiement hégémonique néolibéral. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

[pt] Honduras e El Salvador, desde a época de suas independências, em 1821, têm uma relação bastante conflituosa. Após várias tentativas de resolução pacífica de suas disputas fronteiriças, alguns fatores demográficos, políticos e sócioeconômicos são agregados à natureza da relação desses dois Estados e dão origem, em julho de 1969, a um confronto armado conhecido por - Guerra do Futebol - ou - Guerra das Cem Horas -.A resolução imediata, ou administração, da Guerra do Futebol foi realizada pela Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), através da atuação coordenada de quatro de seus órgãos: a Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos, o Conselho Permanente, o Secretário Geral e a Reunião de Consulta dos Ministros das Relações Exteriores. A principal contribuição do presente trabalho, trazida à tona através da análise da ação coletiva da OEA no caso em estudo, permite concluir que esta organização exerceu três importantes papéis, que contribuíram para a resolução imediata da Guerra do Futebol, a saber: (i) ator autônomo; (ii) modificador do comportamento do Estado; e (iii) arena/espaço de discussão. Ademais, trata-se de um conflito que não conta com a participação, direta ou indireta, do membro mais poderoso da OEA, o que configura uma exceção à política intervencionista norteamericana para a América Latina na década de 1960. / [en] Honduras and El Salvador, since their independences in 1821, have a conflicting relationship. After countless attempts to achieve a peaceful resolution in their frontier disputes, new factors - demographic, political and socioeconomical - are added to the nature of the relationship between these two states and would give rise, in July 1969, to a armed conflict known as - Soccer War - or Hundred-years War -. The immediate resolution of the Soccer War was accomplished by the Organization of the American States (OAS), through a coordinated action of four of its main bodies, that is, of the Inter-American Commission of Human Rights, the Permanent Council, the Secretary-General and the Meeting of Consultation of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.The main contribution of this study, brought up through the analysis of the OAS collective action in this case, leads to the conclusion that this organization has played three main roles, which have largely contributed to the immediate resolution of the Soccer War, namely (i) autonomous actor; (ii) modifier of state behavior; and (iii) forum/space for dialogue. Moreover, it is worth noting that the most powerful member of the OAS has not participated, nor direct or indirect, to the achievement of the immediate resolution of this conflict, which can be considered as an exception to the North-American interventionist politics towards Latin America in the 1960s.

ABSTRACT: This thesis tries to understand and explain the problems facing African international organizations in peacekeeping operations. The focus is on the case of the intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in Ivory Coast. The analysis will also discuss, in order to permit comparative analysis, the intervention of this same organization in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea Bissau. This case study in comparative perspective can help to mitigate the disadvantage of a case study, whose main weakness is the problem of generalization from the results of one case. The literature in International Relations and peacekeeping operations is used to develop some hypotheses that we will try to test in this dissertation, specifically: the internal difficulties of international organizations; the problems of lessons learned in terms of peacekeeping operations; the balance of power between and the pursuit of the national interest by members states of the organization; the key role of international and foreign actors, such as former colonial masters, in the peace process; and finally, the problem of coordination between different actors. To answer to the research question, the dissertation will be written in the form of a story with different concentric circles. First, for the internal international organizations difficulties, we will use the functionalist approach which is one of the best theorizations of this issue. However, these internal obstacles are only the tip of the iceberg of the problem because behind the organization we have conflicts of interest between different member states and the intervention of former colonial masters that realists and the neo-marxists would anticipate. Nevertheless, these tend to emphasize more on states. As a consequence, they cannot help us to solve the huge issue of coordination between different actors. To respond to this problem, we turn to the model of multi-level governance and demonstrate its value in analysing this case. For the case of Ivory Coast, Liberia and Sierra Leone, we will use both primary and secondary literatures. However, for the case of Guinea Bissau, we will use only secondary literature. RESUME: Cette thèse vise à comprendre et à expliquer les difficultés des organisations internationales africaines dans le domaine du maintien de la paix. La question est étudiée par le moyen d’une étude de cas mais dans une perspective comparative. Car elle permet d’atténuer l’inconvénient majeur de l’étude de cas qui est la question de la généralisation. En effet, nous analyserons les difficultés de la communauté économique des États d’Afrique de l’Ouest (CEDEAO) dans la gestion de la crise ivoirienne en utilisant les interventions de cette même organisation au Libéria, en Sierra Leone et en Guinée Bissau pour la comparaison à des fins d’apprentissages. La littérature en Relations internationales et sur le maintien de la paix nous a suggéré les hypothèses suivantes que nous testerons : les difficultés intrinsèques des organisations internationales; les difficultés d’apprentissage de ces mêmes organisations dans le domaine du maintien de la paix; les jeux de puissances et d’intérêt entre États membres de l’organisation internationale; la confiscation incomplète des relations internationales ouest africaines par des acteurs, des enjeux et des intérêts étrangers; enfin, il y a la difficulté de la coordination des actions entre les différents acteurs impliqués dans les processus de résolution des crises. Nous répondrons à la question de recherche en forme de récit avec des cercles concentriques. D’abord pour aborder les difficultés intrinsèques, nous convoquerons les fonctionnalistes qui ont théorisé le mieux la question des organisations internationales. Mais, on s’est vite rendu compte que ces difficultés n’étaient que la face visible de l’iceberg et que derrière l’organisation se cachent des jeux de puissances et d’intérêt, mais aussi l’ingérence des anciennes puissances coloniales que les réalistes et les néo-marxistes avaient prévues. Mais ces derniers mettent surtout l’emphase sur l’État. Ce qui ne permet pas de résoudre la lancinante question de la pluralité des acteurs, des conflits de logiques et de l’articulation des efforts des différents intervenants que l’approche de la gouvernance à paliers multiples permet de prévoir. Pour la Côte d’Ivoire, le Libéria et la Sierra Leone nous utiliserons à la fois de la littérature primaire et secondaire. Mais pour la Guinée Bissau, nous nous appuierons uniquement sur de la littérature secondaire.

La promotion de la paix, de la sécurité et de la stabilité est un objectif fondamental de l’Union africaine, l’Organisation continentale panafricaine. Cet objectif constitue désormais une fonction juridique essentielle pour laquelle a été mise en place au sein de l’Organisation un mécanisme approprié : l’architecture de paix et de sécurité (APSA). Bâtie sur une articulation juridique actualisée, au cœur de laquelle se trouve le Conseil de paix et de sécurité, cette fonction se trouve placée dans des conditions juridiques, devant permettre à l’Union africaine d’agir efficacement dans les situations d’atteinte à la paix, à la sécurité et à la stabilité. Plus d’une décennie après la mise en place de la nouvelle Organisation, le caractère fondamental de cette fonction pousse dès lors à s’interroger sur sa place exacte, à la lumière des capacités de l’Organisation à l’assurer à l’épreuve des faits. Cette interrogation éclaire les conditions d’émergence de la fonction mais place sa dynamique de mise en oeuvre dans un contexte ambivalent marqué tout à la fois par le caractère extensif des compétences de l’Organisation dans ce domaine mais également par la portée limitée de celle-ci face à la multiplication des conflits. / The Promotion of Peace, security and stability is a fundamental objective of the African Union, the Pan African continental organization. This aim is a now a core legal function for which has been established an appropriate scheme within the Organization: the Architecture of Peace and Security in Africa (APSA). Within an updated legal articulation, at the heart of which is the Peace and Security Council, this function is placed in legal conditions that must allow the African Union to act effectively in the cases of breach of peace, security and stability. More than a decade after the establishment of the new organization, the fundamental nature of this function, pushes therefore to question its proper place, in light of the capacity of the Organization to ensure it, at the facts test. This question illuminates emergence conditions of this function but identifies also an ambivalent dynamic in its implementation, marked at once by the extensive nature of the competences of the Organization in this area but its limited scope when facing increasing conflicts.

This study is titled Role of Small States in International Relations: Comparative Analysis of the Czech Republic and Israel and its main purpose is to analyze a typical small state's behavior in the international arena on the examples of the Czech and Israeli foreign policy. It is divided into four respective sections -- a theoretical framework, historical background, and the two case studies, and it strives to answer a foundational question whether the Czech Republic and Israel can be considered small players in international relations based on the theoretical definition of the notion of a small state as well as the countries' current foreign policy approaches and tools.

This thesis deals with the presumption that multilateral diplomacy is a possible means to promote good governance. The first part described the origin, definition and criticism of the concept of good governance. Another part deals with transformations of diplomacy and international relations after the Cold War. Contemporary diplomacy must respond to globalization, interdependence, technological development, changing international environment and increase the number of actors in international relations. The last part is devoted to multilateral diplomacy, international organizations and especially their connection with good governance. In my thesis I came to the conclusion that multilateral diplomacy can be a useful tool for promoting the objectives of good governance and management of the state. The best space for the use of multilateral diplomacy as a means of promoting good governance is intergovernmental organization.