Did Kosovo have right to secede? What was the cause of conflict in Kosovo? How important is Kosovo for international community? This thesis addresses these issues as it seeks, above all, to answer the question - Is Kosovo a sovereign, unrecognized, or failed state? To do so, the chapter I explores critically the definitions of sovereign, unrecognized, and failed states. The chapter I argues that Kosovo does not have full control over the territory it claims, but with help of the international offices this problem has been overcome. On the other hand, the main obstacle to international recognition and full sovereignty is Serbia (parent state), claiming that Kosovo is part of its territory. Therefore, the theories of secession are analyzed in-depth in order to answer whether Kosovo can obtain the missing part of sovereignty without a parent state. The main argument for Kosovo's secession is extensive violence in 1990's, therefore chapter II scrutinizes the history of political violence in Kosovo, showing that Kosovo's secession has its roots in creation of Greater Albania and alleged violation of human rights can be only the trigger but not the cause of the secession. Chapter III assesses the debate of Serbia's sovereignty/integrity versus Kosovo's right to self-determination. This chapter at first...

The theme of this thesis is position of Kosovo in international relations. Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia in February 2008 and belongs to the failed states. In this thesis I will examine the main causes of the dysfunction of Kosovo, and how it is reflected in Kosovo current position.

This diploma thesis deals with issues of statehood. In this study, we examined the de facto states, i.e. countries that are not internationally recognized. First described the characteristics of the state. Subsequently, we examined the international recognition of the state. It will also define the term de facto work is divided into four main chapters. On the basis of the criteria laid down Montevideo Convention of 1933 will be discussed features of statehood. Described is also the state sovereignty and the principles of international recognition by members of the international community. In the second chapter will be presented in greater detail the general features of de facto states. Attention will be paid to formation of de facto states including a detailed explanation of the issue of the right to self-determination and secession. In the third and fourth chapters, attention will be given to the two de facto states, Turkish Republic of Northern and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. In these chapters, the emphasis is also on the historical aspects, the political situation inside these entities, as well as in the whole region. Another goal of these chapters is also to analyse the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. In the case of Northern Cyprus will be analysed in particular the judgments of...

Over the course of history, the organisation of human societies has gone through several evolutionary stages. Their peak, primarily in Europe, took the form of states as polities structured around an ethnical basis-nation states. In many cases, their rise and downfall could be rather violent which led to growing social instability. Therefore, international communities began looking for mechanisms to regulate these processes. From the perspective of international law, it was necessary mainly to define the term state and codify the requirements an entity had to meet in order to be considered one. The Montevideo Convention established an elementary quartet, necessitating the presence of a population, territory, executive power and the ability to fully participate in international relationships, i.e. possess external sovereignty. These four aspects, however, still did not entirely suffice which is why secondary requirements kept being inconsistently added, addressing primarily the entity's inner character and its attitude to, for example, upholding universal human rights or minority rights. Nonetheless, simply meeting the above-mentioned criteria is not enough to establish a fully functioning state. In the modern world, it is essentially impossible for a new state to be created without infringing on...

The diploma thesis "The Multilateralism Concept in German Policy toward the Balkans: Germany's Recognition of the Independence of Slovenia and Croatia (1991) and Kosovo (2008)" deals with the role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of recognition of the independence of successor states of Yugoslavia in the context of discussion about transformation of the German multilateralism and normalization of the German foreign policy. The disciplined interpretive case study focuses on selected examples, which were perceived as the most controversial by German and foreign political and social circles: the German pressure on the international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, which caused strong criticisms and fears, that the unified Germany would leave the principle of multilateralism in exchange for a unilateral promotion of its national interests; and the recognition of Kosovo in 2008, which meant ignoring the UN resolution 1244. The aim of the thesis is to describe and to interpret motives and the manners of the Germany's acting in the selected causes in detail and to test the hypothesis by Rainer Baumann about transformation of the German multilateralism "towards more instrumental perception of the multilateral cooperation and orientation on material and status-oriented national...

La République de Bosnie-Herzégovine choisit en mars 1992 de déclarer son indépendance plutôt que de rester au sein de la Yougoslavie. Un mois plus tard, la Communauté européenne reconnaît l’indépendance de la Bosnie. Or, depuis cette reconnaissance, l’avenir de la Bosnie en tant qu’État indépendant et souverain ne cesse d’être remis en question. A travers cinq parties et dix-sept chapitres, cette thèse expose les facteurs menaçant la pérennité de l’État bosnien. Tout d’abord, elle révèle que la genèse du territoire bosnien et de ses communautés n’a pas facilité le développement d’une identité citoyenne commune à tous les groupes ethno-nationaux de Bosnie. Ensuite, cette thèse permet d’appréhender le processus d’indépendance de la Bosnie et de comprendre que lors de la reconnaissance de cet État, il n’existait pasde volonté collective de la part des populations bosniennes d’appartenir à un même État. Troisièmement, cette thèse montre que le nouvel espace national bosnien n’a pas produit un seul et unique territoire politique transcendant les différences ethno-nationales entre les communautés bosniennes. Quatrièmement, elle expose les facteurs à la fois endogènes et exogènes menaçant l’unité et la souveraineté de la Bosnie sur son propre territoire. Enfin, la dernière partie, consacrée au District de Brčko, permet de mieux saisir, par des exemples détaillés, le lien existant entre le territoire bosnien et ses communautés. En résumé, cette thèse tend à montrer que le territoire bosnien, au cours de l’histoire, aplutôt été le mode privilégié de la « ghettoïsation » des cultures bosniennes, au lieu de dépasser les différences culturelles au sein des communautés de Bosnie. / The Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina in March 1992 chose to declare independence rather than stay in Yugoslavia. A month later, the European Community recognized the independence of Bosnia. However, since this recognition, the future of Bosnia as an independent and sovereign State continues to be threatened. Through five parts and seventeen chapters, this thesis discusses the factors threatening the sustainability of the Bosnian state. First, it reveals that the genesis of the Bosnian territory and its communities has not facilitated the development of a common civic identity for all ethno-national groups in Bosnia. Then this thesis allows us to comprehend the process of independence of Bosnia and understand that upon recognition of this state, there was no collective will to belong to the same state within the Bosnian population. Third, this thesis shows that the new Bosnian national space has not produced a single political territory transcending ethno-national differences in the Bosnian communities. Fourth, it discusses the factors both endogenous and exogenous threatening the unity and sovereignty of Bosnia in its own territory. Finally, the last part, on the Brčko District, allows us to understand better, with detailed examples, the link between the Bosnian territory and its communities. In summary, thisthesis suggests that the Bosnian territory in the course of history has been the preferred mode of "ghettoization" of Bosnian cultures, instead of transcending cultural differences between Bosnian communities.

本文主旨在分析構成撒哈拉以南的非洲國家決定中斷或抑制承認中華民國為主權國家原因。過去的幾十年來，中華民國的邦交國數目大幅下降，大部分位於撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家都在其中。舉例來說，1964年是中華民國在非洲地區外交上的 峰期，台北獲得了22個國家的承認。然而，現今只剩下3個國家的承認。 這個研究計劃，企圖藉由關注研究撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲國家不繼續承認台北的動機，使這種趨勢能更加被瞭解。這點是非常重要的，因為自1960年以來，中華民國已經將非洲視為在其謀求國際承認最有潛力的區域。而在這個層面，便不能輕忽中華人民共和國在其中所扮演的角色。驅使在“一個中國”的原則下，北京當局在推動提昇這些國家的整體國家利益上所擁有的能力，對中華民國在撒哈拉沙漠以南的非洲友邦國家而言，是推動他們轉向，開啟兩個中國外交競爭的一股重要力量。為了解釋這一種傾向，本文應用了新現實主義理論和其中的“bandwagon behaviour”模說明。 筆者預期本文能達到的目的包含了提供一個新的視角來看待中華民國與非洲的關係，用來評估非洲國家對於此問題所持有的立場。筆者希望能夠針對現今中華民國和非洲國家間脆弱的外交地位，帶來新的見解，並進一步提供關於非洲各國和中華民國之間關係的科學論證。 / This thesis aims to analyze the possible reasons shaping the sub-Saharan African states’ decisions in withdrawing or refraining from recognizing the Republic of China (ROC). In the last decades the number of the ROC’s diplomatic allies has decreased drastically and the majority of states located south of the Sahara Desert have taken part in this process. For instance, at the peak of its success in Africa in 1964, Taipei was recognized by twenty two countries. Yet, today it is only recognized by three states. The research conducted is an attempt to provide a better understanding of this trend by focusing on the sub-Saharan African states’ motivations in not extending recognition to Taipei. This is important because since the 1960s, Africa has become a potential area in the ROC’s quest for international recognition. In this regard, one should not disregard the role of the People’s Republic of China. Within the “one China” principle, Beijing’s capacity in advancing these states national interests has been an important driving force in diverting sub-Saharan countries’ allegiance from the ROC in the two China’s diplomatic competition. In order to explain this tendency, the Neo-realism theory and its “bandwagon” behavior will be applied. The expected contributions from this work include a new perspective on the ROC-Africa relations in which an evaluation of the African stance regarding this issue is proposed. The author hopes to bring new insights on the current vulnerable diplomatic position of the ROC in Africa, thus further contributing to the scientific debate on the relationships between African countries and the ROC.

Author Samuel Lavoie Thesis Diplomacy and Diplomatic Institutions of Unrecognized De Facto States Somaliland, Transnistria and Artsakh (2020) Abstract As a topic, international recognition has been increasingly studied over the past twenty years, particularly since Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008. This thesis attempts to advance our understanding of the underlying causes of the inability to gain political recognition by examining several factors that have been omitted from the academic literature. Specifically, it examines several key aspects of the diplomatic institutions, personnel, and approaches of three unrecognized de facto states that meet most of the criteria for statehood under international law, but have so far received no recognition recognized states. These entities are Somaliland, Transnistria, and Artsakh. This paper also draws on partially recognized states and finds that geopolitical and ideological factors generally prevail over diplomatic ones as the main drivers of political recognition. This is especially true when an entity is located in an area of fierce rivalry for influence, such as the PMR and the Republic of Artsakh. However, while remaining a secondary factor, diplomacy becomes more important for international recognition when the interests of...

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La « responsabilité de protéger », concept politique adopté en 2005 pour prévenir et mettre fin aux atrocités criminelles, repose sur un premier pilier —l'obligation de l'Etat de protéger ses populations— dont le consensus apparent a conduit à un manque d’analyse institutionnelle dans sa double dimension constitutionnelle comparée et internationale. Or, l’obligation de l’Etat incombe enparticulier au chef d'Etat. Son obligation de protéger est un élément commun de définition de sa fonction, mais aussi un critère essentiel de différenciation —selon que le chef d’Etat relève d’un modèle étatiste, privilégiant la protection de l’Etat quitte à suspendre le droit, ou d’un modèle libéral, privilégiant la protection de la Constitution et la soumission permanente de l’action politique au droit. La thèse analyse d'abord les sources de l'obligation de protéger du chef d’Etat,successivement théorisée, constitutionnalisée et internationalisée, puis l'exécution de cette obligation résultant de prérogatives, d'immunités et de contrôles de la protection. Les sources de l’obligation révèlent que le chef d’Etat, à l’interface des ordres juridiques interne et international, aune obligation spécifique, non réductible à celle de l’Etat ou de l’individu, qui comporte à la fois une dimension négative (ne pas commettre de crimes contre la population) et une dimension positive(empêcher la commission de tels crimes) et dont l’internationalisation permet de combler les lacunes des Constitutions. Si l’exécution par le chef d’Etat de son obligation de protéger, par la mise en oeuvre de ses prérogatives de protection, est soumise à un contrôle croissant, tant politique que juridictionnel, ce processus reste néanmoins inachevé, faute d'une responsabilité politique internationale, systématique et institutionnalisée. La thèse conclut à l’utilité d'une individualisation de la « responsabilité de protéger » et à l’enrichissement de ce concept par le contrôle de l’obligation de protéger du chef d’Etat. / The political concept of the “responsibility to protect” was adopted in 2005 to prevent and p ut anend to criminal atrocities. The apparent consensus over its first pillar, the State’s obligation to protect its populations, has resulted in a lack of institutional analyses regarding its combined comparative constitutional and international aspects. Importantly, the State’s obligation rests in particular with the Head of State. The obligation to protect is common to all heads of state, but it also differentiates among them, depending on whether their obligation is State-oriented (with the aim to protect the State, even if that requires the suspension of the rule of law) or Rule-of-law oriented (with the aim to protect a liberal constitutional order while always subjecting political actionto the rule of law). The thesis begins with an analysis of the sources of law relating to the Head of State’s obligation to protect, as it was successively theorised, constitutionalised and internationalised. It then turns to the execution of this obligation, which derives from the Head of State’s prerogatives, the relevant immunities involved and available institutional review over his orher activities. The study of the sources reveals that the Head of State (at the interface between the domestic and the international legal orders) is bound by a specific obligation, which exceeds the confines of the obligations of either the State or the individual. This obligation is both negative and positive as it requires both not to commit crimes against the population, and to prevent and put an end to such crimes. Its international dimension supplements the missing parts in the Constitutions.The execution of this obligation, by the implementation of the Head of State’s prerogatives, is subject to an increasing political and judicial control. However, this control remains under construction due to a lack of systematic and institutionalized international political responsibility. The thesis concludes that the “responsibility to protect” could be usefully “individualized” and enriched by institutional supervision and judicial review of the Head of State’s obligation to protect.