This dissertation supplements previously conducted research on aviation in interwar Britain by providing a necessary examination of the appearance of aerial warfare on British cinema screens between 1927 and 1939. It examines the presentation of the First World War, military aviators, the Royal Air Force, bombing, and aerial warfare to the British public. More specifically, it examines the connections between flying, aerial warfare, cinema, and the popular imagination in interwar Great Britain. It uses feature films, specifically Hell’s Angels, The Dawn Patrol, Things to Come, documentaries like RAF, The Gap, and The Warning, and newsreels. In additional to examining cinematic sources, it also extensively utilizes film press books, scripts, programmes, and British Government documents to determine the motives for producing these pictures, what influenced their writing, how they were promoted to the British public, and how cinema reviewers responded to them. It reveals that the cinema helped shape British perceptions of aerial warfare (and the First World War) during the interwar period, providing insight into how the British state and military interacted with the nation’s mass media complex. In doing so, it highlights the important, and often underappreciated, symbiotic relationship between mass culture and government policy.

The research problem of this study has been to compare armed organizations in the Swedish inter war period in a systematic way through the theoretical framework of the monopoly of violence. This has been done in the effort to demonstrate how the Swedish state viewed the level of threat that these organizations proposed based on certain criterias. This is something that hasn’t previously been done and it’s important analyze since it demonstrates how the state works under enormous amounts of stress and what the state deems to be of highest risk during these special times. The purpose of the study has been to answer how the state viewed the different armed organization's threat levels. Was it based on ideological views or was it based on something different? To answer this the study used three different research questions: What did the armed organizations have as their motive? What resources did the organizations have? And how did the state view the threat levels of the different organizations? As already noted the study was conducted within the framework of Max Weber's theory on the monopoly of violence. This theory implies that in order to have a successful state you need to be able to have the exclusive right to use violence within a specific area. Hence the state needs a monopoly of violence and therefore violence becomes a form of politics and the pursuit of power and influence. This theory should help demonstrate both why these organizations choose to take to arms but also how their different aspects affect their levels of threat perceived by the state. This study has been done primarily through a qualitative text analysis with a hermeneutic approach and comparative elements applied to it. This study has found that the organization's ideology seems to be the major aspect that increases the perceived threat levels but that there also are two other aspects that do this. The second is the motive behind why the organization has chosen to become armed. If the motive is to be able to conduct revolution this greatly increases the perceived levels of threat. The third aspect is the amount of resources that these organizations have, the more resources that they are in control of, the greater their potential threat and hence perceived threat levels.

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This paper explores the history of a group of immigrants that came to the United States from the small rural Austrian region of the Burgenland between World War One and World War Two. By examining several biographical life stories of contemporaries it wants explain why the emigrants decided to leave their country, how they managed their passage, how they assimilated to their adopted‐home, and how they integrated themselves into the new society.

This study is an inquiry into architecture understood as an apparatus of immortalization and glorification by means of a dialectic formulation on the architecture of the synecdochic Interwar (angst) Period (1919-1939) based on the assumptions of Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889-1951). It is claimed that a dialectical relation between Wittgenstein and his contemporaries may contribute to the understanding of the conceptions regarding ideal of [true] architecture itself. The thesis suggests that these assumptions may maintain a critical pattern for the understanding of the architectural milieu of the Interwar Period, which was a summit for modern architecture. The structure is based on a remark of Wittgenstein stating, Architecture immortalizes and glorifies something and its tripartite formulation is reflected upon the framework. In the second part, it is aimed to introduce the concepts in order to draw a framework of the milieu. This part also focuses on the remarks of Wittgenstein regarding [true] architecture. In the third part, the aspects of [true] architecture are discussed by means of a historical study. This part also focuses on the principle of architecture as an apparatus. In the fourth part, a dialectical relationship is maintained between Wittgenstein and his contemporaries to shed light on the [true] architecture of the Angst Period. The emphasis of this part is on the arguments regarding [true] architecture. Finally, the fifth part involves arguments on the aspects of immortalization and glorification focusing on its several aspects and something immortalized and glorified by means of [true] architecture.

1918–1940 m. alytiškių laiko leidimo būdai ir pramogos turėjo savų ypatumų. Galima teigti, jog netgi susiklostė savotiškos laisvalaikio leidimo tradicijos. Greta to pramogos ir laisvalaikis šiame tyrime yra specifinis žiūros kampas, per kurį galima naujai pamatyti laikmečio visuomenės kultūrą, gyvenseną, estetinius, meninius ir istorinius procesus. Lokalios kultūros tyrimas padeda išgryninti dar nepastebėtas laikmečio charakteristikas. Atlikus tyrimą paaiškėjo, kad Alytuje organizuotos pramogos ir laisvalaikis socialiniame miestelėnų gyvenime vien jau per renginius reiškėsi labai įvairiai ir plačiai. Dalis siūlomų pramogų atspindėjo laikmečio politiką – populiarinti visa, kas susiję su tautine lietuvių kultūra. Tiriama tema atskleidė, jog Alytuje trečiojo dešimtmečio pradžioje kultūrinių-pramoginių renginių spektras viešojoje erdvėje didesniąja dalimi apsiribojo vargonininkų ir parapijų chorų veikla. Tai gali byloti, jog gyventojai buvo ganėtinai konservatyvūs, nebuvo masiškų pramogų poreikio. Ketvirtajame dešimtmetyje alytiškių muzikinių pramogų diapazoną praplėtė keletas egzistavusių chorų: „Visuomenės choras”, šaulių rinktinės, Darbo Rūmų Alytaus klubo chorai bei ulonų pulko dūdų orkestras. Žvelgiant į Alytų iš valstybės muzikinio gyvenimo pozicijų, Alytus buvo provincija, kurioje retais atvejais buvo galima pasimėgauti respublikinių chorų repertuaru – užfiksuota vos treji atvejai. Galimas daiktas, jog Alytuje masiškesnio pobūdžio renginiams didele kliūtimi buvo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In 1918-1940. Alytus time authorization methods and systems have their own characteristics. It can be argued that even arose a sort of leisure tradition. In addition to the entertainment and leisure time in this study is specific surveillance angle, through which you can see a new era of public culture, lifestyle, aesthetic, artistic and historical processes. Local culture study helps purify even unnoticed era characteristics. The investigation revealed that in Alytus organized entertainment and leisure in social life, the townsfolk, not least through the events manifested in many different ways and wide. Some attractions offered reflected the era policies - to promote all that is related to the ethnic Lithuanian culture. The survey revealed the theme of the third Alytus early cultural-entertainment spectrum of public space was limited to the higher part of the parish organist and choir activities. This may indicate that the population has been relatively conservative, did not die in large entertainment needs. In the fourth decade of Alytus musical entertainment has broadened the range of a few choirs existed: "Public choir, small teams of Labour's Irkutsk club Uhlans Regiment choirs and brass band. Looking to Alytus from the state of musical attitudes, Alytus was a province which in rare cases it was possible to enjoy the Republican repertoire - recorded just three cases. It is possible that the types of events in Alytus masiškesnio major obstacle was lack of technical... [to full text]

Thesis advisor: Marilynn Johnson / This dissertation examines how a coalition of nationalist organizations invented, revised, and popularized the performance of patriotic traditions in everyday life in the United States. Between 1920 and 1955, the Nationalist Network encouraged public schools, local governments, and sports and entertainment venues to incorporate patriotic symbols and rituals into Americans’ daily lives. This “everyday nationalism” included traditions as simple as displaying the American flag in front of government buildings or as elaborate as reciting the Pledge of Allegiance or performing “The Star-Spangled Banner.” The Network’s strategy entailed popularizing patriotic traditions in American society before asking for the endorsement of the federal and state governments. Some of these traditions remain integral to American national identity in the twenty-first century, in large part because the Network normalized the idea that patriotism must be publicly performed. The Nationalist Network comprised a variety of civic, hereditary, and veterans’ organizations, most notably the Daughters of the American Revolution, American Legion, and Veterans of Foreign Wars, which collaborated to advance their goal of spreading everyday nationalism. These organizations largely represented upper middle-class, white, Protestant, American-born citizens and the groups’ leaders believed that immigrants, people of color, workers, and others different from themselves were inherently less patriotic and needed to regularly perform patriotic traditions to truly become American. The Network began popularizing patriotic traditions as part of everyday life in the 1890s but between 1920 and 1955, its work became politically polarized. During these decades, right- and left-wing forces within the Network contested whether American national identity should be exclusive or inclusive. By examining the period between 1920 and 1955, we can see how different ideological factions of the Network used patriotic culture to appeal to Americans’ sense of national pride and to advance their particular beliefs about what the United States can and should represent. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Utopian Dreams, National Realities: Intellectual Cooperation and the League of Nations chronicles the work of the League of Nations’ International Committee on Intellectual Cooperation (CICI). This dissertation demonstrates how the CICI’s utopian vision of international peace was actively challenged by national tensions and agendas in the interwar period. It examines the idealistic goals of the movement by focusing on the narratives and motivations of key committee members as they worked toward their own ideas of peace. The challenge of nationalism is illustrated through an analysis of major disagreements between CICI members as well as through biographical case studies of lesser-known members. The pursuit of “moral disarmament,” or the process of changing mentalities towards war, was a central component of the CICI’s work. Both education and film were envisioned as ways to influence the public and engender anti-war sentiment. This work argues that the League of Nations’ conception of internationalism was Eurocentric and moral disarmament was formulated within an Anglo-American context. Both of these limitations narrowed the influence of the CICI’s peace work to certain geographical areas of influence and effectively marginalized less powerful nations and individuals within it.

This thesis examines the utopian writings of Robert Hugh Benson, H. G. Wells and Aldous Huxley in the context of contemporary and modern nationally conscious discourses. Focusing on the period of 1910-1939, the present study explores the terms and strategies whereby utopian visions of a World State, premised on religion or universal governance, engage with, and contribute to, constructions of England as a specific topography, with a political culture, social hierarchies, religious sensibilities, and literary tradition. Informed by literary history, utopian theory, studies of national character and nationalism, the thesis argues that the writings of Benson, Wells and Huxley communicate an ascertainable reciprocity between these authors’ utopian imagination and national susceptibilities. The thesis investigates the ways in which the studied fictions endorse visions of a World State, offering a mediated response not only to the contemporary condition of England, but also to England’s topographic, political, and socio-cultural continuity. Of particular interest is a re-invocation of Southern England as either a fictional setting or a liminal environment for the emergence of a World State. The study also investigates the narrative anxieties about the retreat of Liberalism from the national political scene, being superseded by the restrictive regimes of a World State; and a fictional renewal of social hierarchies as nationally conscious models for efficient government. The thesis further accounts for the authorial engagements with continuity, examining Benson’s investment in dynastic rule, Wells’s hostility to revolution, and Huxley’s redefinition of the ‘English poetic mind’ to oppose the dissolution of national literary traditions in a global future. In exploring the extent to which alternative versions of England (Catholic, Cosmopolitan, Alien) dominate the visions of world unity, this thesis contends that the nationality of a World State manifests itself not in the universal ends that such visions seek to achieve, but in the nationally conscious means they press into service.

The presented Master's thesis, titled "Otakar Šourek (1883-1956) - Music critic and writer", deals with Otakar Šourek, the author of the most extensive monograph on Antonín Dvořák to date. Šourek played a significant role in the musical life of the first Czechoslovak Republic (1918 - 1938). He worked for numerous music institutions and wrote music reviews, articles and studies for many journals and magazines, as well as books. On the basic of the description of Šourek's public work and his engagement in several music "scandals" in the first Czechoslovak Republic, the thesis strives to evaluate Šourek's position amid the musical life of the time and characterise him as a music critic. The thesis draws upon the study of source materials from Otakar Šourek's personal effects, deposited at the National Museum - Czech Museum of Music, and study of the period press. Key words: music criticism, music, music of the first half of the 20th century, the first Czechoslovak Republic, interwar period, Otakar Šourek