Zugl.: Marburg, Univ., Diss., 2009

Berlin, Freie Universiẗat, Diss., 2009.

Thèse (de maîtrise)--Université Laval, 2005. / Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 15 décembre 2005). Bibliogr.

This thesis named "Analysis of the Official Israeli Discourse during the Second Intifada: Legitimization and Categorization" is concerned with discursive construction of Palestinian terrorism and Israeli security policies by Israeli officials in the period following 2000. The paper draws on works which refuse to perceive language as neutral communication means to describe the social reality, and instead approach it as a tool to impose and maintain social and political inequality and dominance of some groups over others. These theoretical foundations underpin the following research which examines legitimation strategies employed by Israeli officials in order to justify Israeli controversial measures aiming to quell Palestinian terrorism during the Second Intifada. The paper identifies several discursive schemes through which Israeli state representatives purported to legitimize Israeli security policies that were harshly criticized at the time. The basic strategy is to depict and categorize Israelis as peace yearning people who relentlessly offer far-reaching compromises aiming to achieve calm, which proposals are being adamantly rejected by Palestinians whose only reaction is resort to terror. The thesis further deals with Israeli officials' reframing of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a part...

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Univ., Diss.--Freiburg (i.Br.), 2007. / Literaturverz. S. 343 - 368.

Denna uppsats ämnar till att beskriva och förklara hur liknande ickevåldsmetoder och strategier kan få olika utfall i olika motståndskampanjer. Detta genom att i en jämförande studie undersöka två liknande ickevåldskampanjer i den Iranska revolutionen 1977-1979 och den första palestinska intifadan 19871992. Där Iran i jämförelse med i Palestina mer framgångsrikt uppnådde sin kampanjs målsättningar, även om Intifadan delvis också uppnådde framgångar sett till dess målsättningar. Denna jämförelse undersöks med stöd av ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på teorier om ickevåld. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att även om motståndskampanjer bör förstås utifrån deras kontextuella och strukturella förhållanden och att det är komplicerat att komma med definitiva slutsatser över avgörande faktorer för lyckade och inte lyckade ickevåldsrörelser, kan det utifrån fallen presenteras en del viktiga likheter och skillnader som bidrar till förståelse. Ickevåldsmetoder kan vara mycket effektiva i att uppnå samhällsförändring och målsättningar som dess användare strävar efter. Baserat på ickevåldskampanjerna i Iran och Palestina nämns särskilda viktiga element för framgångsrika ickevåldsrörelser i bland annat: mobilisering, ledarskap, disciplin och hur rörelser lyckas hålla sig till enade strategier. Även regimers motageranden för att kontra ickevåld med bl.a. censur har visat sig vara en faktor till att ickevåldskampanjerna skilde sig i fallen.

This dissertation is a study of Palestinian women’s roles following the First Intifada, or Palestinian uprising, which began in 1987. This study considers whether Palestinian women found greater participation in their social life outside of the home during the challenges of the Intifada. In Palestinian society, traditional family roles and the various interpretations of Islamic teachings about to the family have severely restricted the role of women in society, and these limitations have served to increase the desire of these women for greater participation outside of the home. This dissertation will focus on how religious forces, in addition to education and political participation, have influenced the roles available to Palestinian women. In addition, it will focus on whether family roles changed during the First Intifada and whether any of these changes has a lasting impact. An examination of the history and social back ground of Palestinian society, Muslim, and Arabic culture will help demonstrate the impact of religion, education, and political participation, on Palestinian women roles after the First Intifada, during the years 1987-1992. The study was conducted by a team from Brigham Young University (BYU) during 1994-1995. The BYU team included professors Bruce Chadwick, Brain Barber, Tim Heaton, Camille Fronk, and Ray Huntington. The intent of study was to understand the family life of Palestinians. The study focused on marriage, family size, gender roles, education of women, marriage between relatives, and location of residence after marriage. Questionnaires were obtained from approximately 7,000 ninth grade students and from both their parents. The youth and parent questionnaires were developed by the team and then translated into Arabic by Palestinian translators. The Arabic questions were reviewed by several Palestinians who recommended some minor corrections. Before distributing the survey, BYU team pre-tested the questionnaires with a sample of youth and adults living in East Jerusalem. Questionnaires were printed by a Palestinian business in the West Bank. The survey team then distributed the surveys in 64 secondary schools in the Gaza Strip and West Bank, which were operated by the United Nation Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA). The research team was pleasantly surprised by the number of parents who returned the questionnaires. Completed surveys were returned by 92 to 97 percent of students (n=6, 923), by 85 to 94 percent of the fathers (n= 6, 253), and by 84 to 90 percent of their mothers (n=6,024). A ball-point pen was given to each student and a calculator to each head teacher as gifts for their cooperation in distributing, completing, and collecting the questionnaires. To express appreciation to the schools who participated, the research team presented a report of the data school officials. A structural equation model was used to predict the effects of education, religion, and political participation on family roles. Figure 2 shows the predicted model with B- coefficients. The previous results suggest little change is family roles in Palestine. Thus, given this lack of change in family roles, the model had little to predict and it is not surprising that only 2% of the variance was explained (CFI= .874, χ2 = 80.5, and df=6). Overall, the final model suggests that education, religion, and political participation had a limited impact on women seeking changes in family roles. As expected, higher levels of religiosity defined by stronger commitment to Islam were significantly associated with lower likelihood of women seeking change in family roles (β-coefficient= -.059, p-value= .009). On the other hand, increases in women’s level of education (β-coefficient= .114, p-value <.001) and higher levels of political participation defined by participation and involvement in the Intifada (β-coefficient=.065, p-value < .001) were significantly associated with a higher likelihood of women seeking change in the family roles. It is also unsurprising that education was the strongest predictive factor. Research indicates that as education increases, women seek change in their familial roles. On the other hand, it is surprising to find only a weak relationship between women’s involvement in the Intifada and a desire for change in family roles.

TITLE: Role of massmedia in Israeli-Palestinian question AUTHOR: Dagmar Pexová DEPARTMENT: Faculty of Electronic Culture and Semiotics SUPERVISOR: Mgr. Filip Poštulka ABSTRACT: This work discusses the way the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is presented and explained in the mass media. It focuses on the analysis of the media news on the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, mainly during the Second Intifada. For this purpose, reports from newspapers, radio and television are analysed. The political situation and development of the media since the early state of Israel is briefly outlined. The analysis presents the patterns and structures used by the Israeli, Palestinian and international media to report on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. KEYWORDS: Israeli-Palestinian conflict, media, Second Intifada, news

During the Second Intifada, Israel shocked the international community by becoming the first country in the world to publically announce an overt policy of targeted-killing. While utilized by Israel in previous conflicts, the Second Intifada was a turning point in Israeli history due to a series of dramatic changes introduced to its targeting policy which would sharply contrast those which were previously utilized. This diploma thesis analyzed thirty-eight cases of Israeli targeting operations conducted both before and during the Second Intifada to determine if the changes made to its policy during the Second Intifada resulted in more or less successful targeting operations compared to those conducted prior to this time period. The results of this study indicated that, following the introduction of the aforementioned policy changes, Israeli targeting operations during the Second Intifada were less successful than those conducted prior to this time period.