Given the present demand for greater accountability in public education and the call to close the achievement gap between the haves and have-nots, scholars have renewed advocacy for policy frameworks that combine education and antipoverty policies. This study historicizes the possibilities for such connections at the federal level by focusing on how people during the Carter Administration explained the relationship between the policies. Toward this end, this study examined how the coconstructions of context and meaning of the late 1970s made certain explanations of the relationship between education and anti-poverty policy more possible than others. This study is a critical policy analysis employing historical methods. A historical narrative was constructed through the collection of oral history and archival data. Through this history, explanations of the relationships between the policies by the Carter Administration are situated within the social regularities of the day. Specifically, in the late 1970s, as people became dismayed by the persistence of equality issues, despite equal protection under the law, they looked for other ways to work toward equality. The elevation of education as a national priority became a visible strategy to the power structure at the time because it did not require a necessary redistribution of privilege and would allow a concomitant strategy to invest in other identities. At the same time, as people searched for greater personal freedom through education. A growing neo-liberal sentiment asserted that education policies had to be disconnected from the antipoverty policies that were supported by groups, whose demands for conformity were seen as standing in the way of social well-being predicated on the pursuit of self-interest. Thus, in the late 1970s education and antipoverty policy were separated at the federal level, not only bureaucratically, but also in the rhetoric of national priorities. As a result, education policy became more greatly aligned with human capital development and further detached from more redistributive policy frameworks. The rearticulation in the social regularities regarding race, property, individualism, and domestic stability remade the possible in domestic social policy. / text

Thesis (M.A.) -- University of Tennessee, Knoxville, 2006. / Title from title page screen (viewed on Jan. 30, 2007). Thesis advisor: George White. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Title from title screen. David Cheshier, committee chair; George Pullman, Carol Winkler, Mary Stuckey, James Darsey, committee members. Electronic text (226 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed June 5, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 218-226).

This study seeks to determine the extent to which Jimmy Swaggart's program for defense in 1988 complies with the expectations of the apologia genre. Three discourse media are examined for evidence of denial, bolstering, differentiation, and transcendence. Swaggart's defense is classified as "justificative" in that it seeks approval of actions. Swaggart's motivating drive force is defined as the need to assure the financial success of his ministry. Swaggart's defense is then compared with the past apologies of Nixon, Truman, and Kennedy. It was determined that certain apologies cannot serve as a reference standard if the contextual factors are not similar. There are some rhetorical resources available to religious figures that are not available to politicians.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-19T20:52:00Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinheiro, Pedro-Disser-2013.pdf: 1494000 bytes, checksum: 4ace873d951330464bcf5d136a1d6a74 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-19T20:52:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinheiro, Pedro-Disser-2013.pdf: 1494000 bytes, checksum: 4ace873d951330464bcf5d136a1d6a74 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Este trabalho procura dar conta da ascensão de Jimmy Carter dentro do Partido Democrata, no caminho percorrido por ele até chegar à presidência dos EUA. Não se trata, contudo, de uma biografia; o trabalho procura inserir a trajetória pessoal de Carter no contexto maior das transformações políticas, sociais e econômicas pelas quais passavam os EUA na década de 70. Para tanto, concebemos uma tríade de atores sociais, composta por militantes profissionais do partido, integrantes de movimentos sociais e funcionários tecnocratas da área econômica. Nosso objetivo é observar pontos de interação e atritos entre esses agentes, dentro e fora do governo, de modo a compreender a formação de uma cultura política específica do Partido Democrata, cuja origem está no seu processo de nacionalização e unificação. Procuramos ainda relacionar a crise de governabilidade enfrentada por Carter durante seu mandato com as estratégias legislativas do governo, as condicionantes econômicas e políticas do período, e a percepção do governo e da liderança pessoal de Carter por parte da opinião pública. / This study is an attempt to understand the rise pf Jimmy Carter inside the Democratic Party, on his way to the presidency of the United States. It isn’t a biography, however, this work tries to frame Carter’s personal path inside the larger context of the political, social and economic changes of United States during the 70’s. For this purpose, we conceived a triad of social actors, composed by professional politicians of the party, members of social movements and technocrats of the economic area. Our goal is to observe points of interaction and conflicts among these agents, inside and outside the government, in order to understand the building of a political culture that is specific of the Democratic Party, whose origin is related to its process of nationalization and unification. We try also to relate the crisis of governability faced by Carter during his term with the legislative strategies of the administration, the economic and political constraints of the period, and the perception of the government and of Carter’s personal leadership by the public opinion.

Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / U.S. President Jimmy Carter's handling of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East can only be properly understood in the context of his religious beliefs. Carter pursued what amounted to a faith-based foreign policy. Guided by the Christian concepts of justice, forgiveness, humility, and an emphasis on the importance of individuals, Carter attempted to make policy conform to the standards set by his faith. Viewing the Arab-Israeli conflict through this lens, he committed to advancing the Middle East peace process out of a Christian sense of duty. Religious belief caused Carter to champion the Palestinians' cause since he believed that the Palestinian people were suffering grave injustices under the Israeli occupation of the West Banka and Gaza. Ultimately, his faith-based approach proved unable to resolve the many diplomatic challenges facing his administration in the region. Fearing that any chance for peace might be lost, he invited Prime Minister Menachem Begin of Israel and President Anwar Sadat of Egypt to Camp David for substantive talks in September 1978. Only when Carter abandoned his religiously grounded policy orientation and embraced a coldly calculating approach did he succeed in getting the Israelis and Egyptians to agree to a deal. With the conclusion of the Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty in March 1979, Carter effectively removed himself from any further involvement in the process. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2012. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / The Middle East was a tense place in 1976. In the past thirty years, Israel had fought four wars with its neighbors. President Richard Nixon and his National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger helped negotiate three partial settlements, two between Egypt and Israel and one between Syria and Egypt. But Israel maintained control of most of the Golan Heights, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, and most of the Sinai when Jimmy Carter was elected president in 1976. One of his first actions as president was to embark on a course to attempt to bring peace to the region. He began with a plan for a comprehensive settlement between Israel and all its neighbors, but left office after only achieving a single peace treaty between Egypt and Israel. This thesis will examine the successes and failures of Carter’s foreign policy to bring peace to the Middle East. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2009. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: College Honors Program. / Discipline: History Honors Program. / Discipline: History.

President Jimmy Carter's foreign policy changed significantly and progressively over the course of his four year term. What began as a liberal-internationalist approach to foreign policy ended in a traditional Cold War stalemate with the Soviet Union. There are many causes for this shift: changes in the international environment, shifting public opinion, and other domestic-political pressures. One of the most consistently undervalued causes for Carter's overall foreign policy shift was the personal influence of his National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski. Through a variety of advocacy pressures and framing tactics, Brzezinski was able to utilize the changes in the international system, and especially, changes within domestic-political environment to convince Carter of an extensive reformation of his foreign policy perspective and priorities. / by Kevin S. Embrick. / Vita. / Subtitle on abstract page incorrectly spells the name Zbigneiw [sic] Brzezinski. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2008. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

This thesis will consider two men who, when caught in moral dilemmas, cited a particular Biblical narrative in their attempt to receive forgiveness and acceptance from their audiences. Both men were significant religious figures within their respective denominations and both men received public scrutiny following their sinful actions.

Le milieu de la bande dessinée au Québec s'est enrichi depuis quelques années de nouvelles structures éditoriales qui ont favorisé l'éclosion de nombreux talents, particulièrement à l'intérieur du champ autobiographique. Le but de ce mémoire est de mettre en lumière certaines de ces voix singulières : Jimmy Beaulieu, Michel Rabagliati, Luc Giard, Line Gamache, Geneviève Castrée et Julie Doucet. Le propre de l'autobiographie en bande dessinée étant de représenter graphiquement le personnage, je m'attarderai ici à la manière dont le «je» est figuré. Cet avatar, amalgame de l'auteur et de son style, peut adopter différentes postures, l'une, par exemple, exposant l'introspection ou une autre, au contraire, provoquant l'identification du lecteur. La focalisation les influence fortement. De plus, les différentes catégories du champ autobiographique se déclinent par un contrat de lecture, proposant une stratégie d'ambiguïté ou un pacte référentiel, et par la structure narrative ou spéculative de l'œuvre. Elles ont une forme plus moderne selon leur capacité à se remettre en question. Mon hypothèse est celle de l'existence d'un lien entre le type de discours (autobiographie, récit autobiographique, roman autobiographique et auto-essai) et les perspectives employées. Pour la vérifier, j'ai formé, au préalable, trois couples en réunissant les œuvres qui présentent l'auteur avec certaines affinités. Cela a permis la comparaison et l'exploration des différents modes d'expression de mon objet d'étude. Le point de vue le plus usuel est sans conteste la perspective externe qui institue le «je» en personnage. Ses effets varient cependant selon la catégorie utilisée. Le point de vue interne est plutôt minoritaire et renforce un «je» déjà au plus près de l'auteur. La focalisation zéro sert, dans les exemples étudiés, à transmettre les perceptions et à donner accès directement aux pensées. Enfin, le point de vue expressif exhibe le bouleversement du créateur jusque dans son trait. Ainsi, ceux qui exposent leur intériorité sont aussi ceux qui utilisent des narrations qui se remettent en question: Jimmy Beaulieu, Luc Giard et Geneviève Castrée. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : bande dessinée, points de vue, autobiographie