Nowadays, the G77 is a key factor in North-South negotiations at the UN to achieve global commitments. On the understanding that neoliberalism is an economic rationale that strongly influences the relationship between North and South, this research explores the influence of a primordial neoliberalism in Latin American interest in taking part in the G77 at the First United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD). Utilising the ideas of Michel Foucault to analyse discourses of the Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) since its incorporation into the G77 establishment, this work claims that the neoliberal rationale in part lies behind the mechanism that leads Latin American countries to take part in the G77 at the UNCTAD I. This mechanism is the need for development and the consequent concept of “developing country” reinforced by the G77 at the UN negotiations. In particular, the lack of natural resources in international markets due to the world wars produced the need for surveillance of non-industrialised countries. This surveillance, called here “Police of Development”, was supported by knowledge of natural resources provided by the ECLA, and reinforced the differentiation of countries. This differentiation promoted the need for industrialisation and the need for development. Thus, in a context of lack of financing and deterioration of the international terms of trade of natural resources, Latin Americans seeking development present themselves as “developing” countries in their international negotiations through the G77. The idea of development encourages the production and export of natural resources, which is necessary for a continuous availability of raw materials in international trade to maintain the expansion of markets, a basic precept of neoliberalism.

Given the potential political, economic and reputational costs for violating international norms of sovereignty, we should expect to only rarely observe the adoption by states of risky foreign policies like destabilization (which is defined as the policy of changing the balance of power between a target government and its domestic opposition, with the aim of effecting the downfall of that target government.) Yet, history demonstrates that states regularly adopt destabilization as a foreign policy. My research addresses this puzzle: Why, given the high potential costs of violation of international norms, do policymakers opt to do so anyway? I argue that the answer lies in the breadth and intensity of conflicts of interest between destabilizing states and their targets. To illustrate my theoretical argument, I hypothesize the following: When policy makers perceive a broad and intense conflict of security, economic and ideological interests, they will adopt destabilization as a policy. In this dissertation, I look at US relations with Latin American states during the Cold War. To demonstrate my hypothesis, I perform three comparative case studies. Each comparison examines two cases which are similar in most ways except, notably, the breadth of conflict of interest perceived by the US. In each negative case, I demonstrate that two, but not three types of conflicts were present and the US did not destabilize the target government, but instead chose different policy options. In the affirmative case, I demonstrate that all three types of conflicts were present, and the US destabilized the target government. I then briefly explore South African policy toward its neighbors, to illustrate that my theoretical explanation is plausible outside of the context of US-Latin American relations. I conclude with a brief discussion on extension of the theory and implications of this study for foreign policy analysis.

This thesis examines the development of state-narco networks in post-transition Bolivia. Mainstream discourses of drugs tend to undertheorise such relationships, holding illicit economies, weak states and violence as synergistic phenomena. Such assumptions fail to capture the nuanced relations that emerge between the state and the drug trade in different contexts, their underlying logics and diverse effects. As an understudied case, Bolivia offers novel insights into these dynamics. Bolivian military authoritarian governments (1964-1982), for example, integrated drug rents into clientelistic systems of governance, helping to establish factional coalitions and reinforce regime authority. Following democratic transition in 1982 and the escalation of US counterdrug efforts, these stable modes of exchange between the state and the coca-cocaine economy fragmented. Bolivia, though, continued to experience lower levels of drug-related violence than its Andean neighbours, and sustained democratisation despite being a major drug producer. Focusing on the introduction of the Andean Initiative (1989-1993), I explore state-narco interactions during this period of flux: from authoritarianism to (formal) democracy, and from Cold War to Drug War. As such, the thesis transcends the conventional analyses of the drugs literature and orthodox readings of Latin American narco-violence, providing insights into the relationship between illicit economies and democratic transition, the regional role of the US, and the (unintended) consequences of drug policy interventions. I utilise a mixed methods approach to offer discrete perspectives on the object of study. Drawing on documentary and secondary sources, I argue that state-narco networks were interwoven with Bolivia’s post-transition political settlement. Uneven democratisation ensured pockets of informalism, as clientelistic and authoritarian practices continued. This included police and military autonomy, and tolerance of drug corruption within both institutions. Non-enforcement of democratic norms of accountability and transparency was linked to the maintenance of fragile political equilibrium. Interviews with key US and Bolivian elite actors also revealed differing interpretations of state-narco interactions. These exposed competing agendas, and were folded into alternative paradigms and narratives of the ‘war on drugs’. The extension of US Drug War goals and the targeting of ‘corrupt’ local power structures, clashed with local ambivalence towards the drug trade, opposition to destabilising, ‘Colombianised’ policies and the claimed ‘democratising mission’ of the Bolivian government. In contrasting these US and Bolivian accounts, the thesis shows how real and perceived state-narco webs were understood and navigated by different actors in distinct ways. ‘Drug corruption’ held significance beyond simple economic transaction or institutional failure. Contestation around state-narco interactions was enmeshed in US-Bolivian relations of power and control.

This dissertation is a study of the tensions between the Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) political party, nongovernmental organizations (NGO), and indigenous social movement struggles for territorial autonomy. This study takes a multiscale approach by examining (1) the emergence of competing indigenous leadership organizations, (2) state repression of civil society groups, and (3) strategic indigenous-NGO alliances to preserve Native Community Lands (Tierra Comunitaria de Orígen, TCOs). At the community level, the study examines new organizations of state-aligned indigenous groups that represent extractive interests and threaten social movement cohesion. At the national level, this paper analyzes the controversial road project in the Isiboro-Sécure Indigenous Territory and National Park (TIPNIS) and similar state efforts to erode legal protections for native lands in the interests of extractivism. Analyzing the academic and public debates over indigenous politics in the Amazon, this study explores the struggle between the state and lowland indigenous groups over popular hegemony and the ability to shape international perception over indigeneity, socialism, and resource exploitation. The findings support lowland indigenous social movement claims of state repression but situate this criticism within a path dependent world system dominated by global capital.

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This paper will show that the trade in psychoactive substances has in fact been a major facilitator of the process now known as globalization. Not only has the drug trade fed off of globalization, globalization feeds off of and is driven by it. The perspective I will take here is a historical one. My thesis, that the drug trade has been an influential force on what is known as "globalization," is a reevaluation of the relationship between three historical processes: 1} The development over several centuries of a global system for the production, trade, and distribution of drugs 2} The "cold war" for economic and geopolitical hegemony between capitalist and communist power structures 3} The development and expansion of a global economic system, known in its current liberal phase as "globalization" / 2031-01-02

This thesis seeks to offer a comparative analysis of Mexican-European Powers relations from 1920 to 1928. These were dominated by the dilemma of revolution and stabilisation. While the Mexican governments of Adolfo de la Huerta, Álvaro Obregón and Plutarco Elías Calles were committed to defend the national revolutionary programme, embedded in the Constitution of 1917, they also wanted to continue the modernisation project of the country, for which foreign economic interests and intellectual discussions on modernity, social democracy and national identity were primordial. For their part, German, French and British governments needed to weigh whether to defend their economic and cultural presence with regard to revolutionary Mexico and the disruptions caused by the Great War, by having friendly relations, accepting the new conditions or pressuring to reverse changes. Besides, the contact between Mexico and the European Powers was profoundly influenced by the new international reconfiguration in which the United States, Soviet Russia and the League of Nations played a prominent role. The ways in which politicians, diplomats, businessmen, intellectuals, artists and journalists worked to improve bilateral links in regards to politics, economy and culture will be presented. This will be achieved through a diplomatic history approach and taking into consideration the interactions of international relations. The thesis first problematises the question of diplomatic recognition which was related to the negotiations of the debt, Article 27 of the Constitution and claims by foreigners. Afterwards, governmental and transnational efforts to increase economic relations are explored. These were as varied as the establishment of more consulates, the creation of chambers of commerce, and negotiations for new treaties of Amity, Commerce and Navigation. Lastly, diplomatic attempts to increase cultural understandings are discussed. These ranged over topics such as representations in the press, theatre and films, as well as cooperation in technical and military education.

Public participation is assumed to benefit sustainable development. Actual effects of public participation, a requirement of some international agreements and funding programs, are not widely documented. I compare 16 local sustainable development programs, defined as those with economic, social, and/or environmental goals intended to not diminish economic, social, or environmental assets. Within participation, I distinguish between segments of the population, means, and timing. I also consider the roles of government and the number and type of goals of each program as alternative influences on sustainable development. Successful programs commonly have more segments of the population participating in ways that are more meaningful. Programs with social goals are typically more successful than those with only economic and/or environmental goals. This information can be used for planning sustainable development programs and updating requirements in funding guidelines to reduce investment risks and more consistently realize the benefits of sustainable development programs.

In Latin America, multicultural reforms came in the last three decades in response to regional indigenous empowerment that in turn coincided with processes of neoliberal re-democratization. In Chile, neoliberalization also meant for the indigenous Mapuche dramatic processes of indigenous proletarianization by de-territorialization and a new cycle of resistance and creative deployment of political, economic and cultural agencies bringing forth issues of sustainability, collective well-being, and democracy. Through qualitative methods, this thesis examines how multiple actors are shaping the landscapes of tourism development in south-central Chile. There, tourism practice and discourse in Mapuche rural communities reflect Mapuche responses to a recent phase of policies targeting them under the rubric of "Development with Identity". I demonstrate through three case studies how both these policies and tourism markets are being engaged by Mapuche ethno-entrepreneurial leaders, who at the same time advance agendas of Mapuche re-territorialization through novel re-articulations of livelihoods, place, and identities.

Between 1810 and 1826 Spain lost most of her possessions in the Americas, and the inhabitants of Spanish America ceased to be subjects of the king, and became citizens of a series of new republics such as Mexico, Peru, Chile and Colombia. This thesis explores how the transition from colonial to republican rule was experienced by the inhabitants of the provinces of Santa Marta and Riohacha (Colombia), and the extent to which the transition implied a radical break with the colonial past. Santa Marta was among the most important royalist strongholds in the northern part of Spanish South America, and the thesis offers an interpretation of the much-neglected theme of Spanish American royalism during the independence period. It focuses on the social and 'ethnic' configuration of the provinces, and it discusses how different social/ 'ethnic' groups were constructed in the colonial period, how they responded and acted during the wars of independence and what the transition to republican rule implied for the make-up of nineteenth-century society. The analyses of late colonial and early republican society are done principally (but not exclusively) through a detailed discussion of marriage practices and patterns. The study is based primarily on archival sources from Spanish and Colombian depositories.

Orientador: Luzia Margareth Rago / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:49:15Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Selem_MariaCeliaOrlato_D.pdf: 4821285 bytes, checksum: 5aceae2f4c258481b430843eb05b59f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / Resumo: A presente pesquisa busca identificar poéticas feministas no cinema de mulheres latino-americanas neste século XXI. Nesse intuito, foram selecionados os seguintes filmes: La teta asustada, de Claudia Llosa (Peru - 2009); Que tan lejos, de Tania Hermida (Equador - 2006); Rompecabezas, Natalia Smirnoff (Argentina, 2009); Entre nós, de Paola Mendoza e Gloria La Morte (Colômbia, 2009); Sonhos Roubados, de Sandra Werneck (Brasil, 2009); En la puta vida, de Beatriz Flores Silva (Uruguai, 2001); A falta que me faz, de Marília Rocha (Brasil, 2009), Senhorita extraviada, de Lourdes Portillo (México, 2001), Tambores de água, un encuentro ancestral, de Clarissa Duque (Venezuela, 2009), Memória de un escrito perdido, de Cristina Raschia (Argentina, 2010), e Maria em tierra de nadie, de Marcela Zamora (El Salvador, 2010). Foram considerados nesta análise, também, alguns festivais de cinema feminino na década de 1980 e na atualidade, identificados como espaços de construção da crítica feminista de cinema latino-americana. Metodologicamente o trabalho é respaldado pelos estudos feministas e pós-coloniais, somados à filosofia foucaultiana. Foi possível perceber que, embora os festivais atuais analisados guardem alguns aspectos comuns, no que diz respeito à visibilidade das mulheres no cinema, acontecem, por vezes, de forma desconectada das pautas feministas locais e da crítica ao sistema político-econômico que tem norteado o feminismo latino-americano. De alguma maneira, todos os filmes analisados foram percebidos como atravessados pelas consequências do capitalismo e do patriarcado, embora de maneiras diversas. Desses trabalhos, emergiram temas ligados aos processos migratórios, violência de Estado, feminicídio, desigualdade social, entre outros tantos, que também são objetos de interesse dos feminismos, em suas possibilidades de resistência / Abstract: This present study investigates feminist poetics of Latin American women in motion pictures in the 21st century. To that end, the following films were selected: La teta asustada, by Claudia Llosa (Peru - 2009); Que tan lejos, by Tania Hermida (Ecuador - 2006); Rompecabezas, Natalia Smirnoff (Argentina, 2009); Entre nós, by Paola Mendoza and Gloria La Morte (Colombia, 2009); Sonhos Roubados, by Sandra Werneck (Brazil, 2009); En la puta vida, by Beatriz Flores Silva (Uruguay, 2001); A falta que me faz, by Marília Rocha (Brazil, 2009),Senhorita extraviada, by Lourdes Portillo (Mexico, 2001), Tambores de água, un encuentro ancestral, by Clarissa Duque (Venezuela, 2009), Memória de un escrito perdido, by Cristina Raschia (Argentina, 2010), and Maria em tierra de nadie, by Marcela Zamora (El Salvador, 2010). Some festivals from both the 80s and recent years were also taken into account in this analysis, once they are identified as spaces for the feminism criticism construction of Latin American motion picture. Methodologically, this research is supported by feminist and post colonial approaches in addition to Foucauldian philosophy. It has become evident that although current festivals bear common aspects regarding women visibility in motion picture industry, sometimes it does happen disconnected from local feminist guidelines and criticism to the political and economic system, which has ruled the Latin American feminism. All the films assessed were somehow noticeably affected by the consequences of capitalism and this long-standing patriarchy, even though in different ways. From these studies, themes concerning migratory processes, state violence, feminicide, social inequality, among many others, which are also feminism objects of interest have emerged as resistance possibilities / Doutorado / Historia Cultural / Doutora em História