Through Judith Butler’s concept of ‘cultural translation’, this dissertation seeks to provide a less imperialistic law-making mechanism as it relates to the lesbian, gay and bisexual rights concept (hereinafter ‘the LGB rights concept’) in Turkey, which currently relies heavily on legal transplantation. In search of a new law-making method, this thesis first deconstructs ‘legal transplantation’ as that which creates various asymmetrical relations that amount to consolidating Western imperialism. Critical legal scholars have shown great interest in revealing the imperialistic consequences of the law-maker West and the law-taker non-West. This thesis aims to add another dimension to these discussions by placing ‘imitation’, as advanced by Judith Butler, at the heart of its analyses. It scrutinises legal transplantation through the various imitations/repetitions it embodies and explores the role of imitation in law-making as law-taking. It does so by evaluating legal change by means of legal transplantation through the example of the Turkish experience with the LGB rights concept, and uses Judith Butler’s understanding of imitation/repetition, as advanced in her gender performativity concept, to achieve this evaluation This thesis attempts to expand our understanding of law-making as law-taking by unveiling their performative force, which humanises the subject in a way that is similar to the processes of gendering it. In doing so, this thesis aims to transfer the analyses that postulate the gendered body as performative to the rubric of human rights law, and argues that humanisation of the body through granting rights is performative as well. Though the occasion arises for subversion from these various imitations, it introduces a new law-making method, cultural translation, transforming the realm of limited possibilities for human rights into the realm of the possible.

Water is an important food and an important natural resource. In order to protect these are the Environmental Code and the EU directive given to water protection and related water protection regulations will be established for all water sources until 2010. Those who will prepare a water protection and related water protection regulations is the municipality or person responsible for water supply. The person then decides and declares the area as water protection and related water protection regulations are municipal or provincial government. The idea of creating a water protection is to protect the water supply and the body of water against pollution caused by point sources, diffuse sources and accidents combined. Hallstahammar Municipality has a water protection and related water protection regulations and those set up in 1997, the question is whether these are the needs to be revised. Literature studies on geological and hydrological conditions in Hallstahammar Municipality was also studying literature with regard to current legislation and other parameters needed to establish a water protection and related water protection regulations. Literature studies showed that the need to revise the map of the water protection zone, there were few and minor revisions were needed in their water protection regulations.

<p>Oвa диcepтaциje ce бaви законодавнoм функцијoм паpламентa и њeгoвим<br />oднocoм ca дpyгим кoнкpeтним инcтитyциjaмa, кoje пpeyзимajy oд парламента<br />пoвjepeнe мy надлежности, yзpoкyjyjyћи њeгoвy мapгинaлизaциjy. Oвaj пpoцec ниje<br />нoв, aли пocтaje cвe комплeкcниjи. Нa почeткy cy тo билe влaдa и политичке<br />партије, aли ce вpeмeнoм бpoj cyбjeкaтa кojи yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност<br />паpламентa пoвeћaвao. У oвoм кoнкpeтнoм питaњy, парламент ce cyoчaвa ca<br />oзбиљним изaзoвимa, диjeлeћи надлежност joш и ca шeфoм дpжaвe, ycтaвним<br />cyдoм, нeзaвиcним peгyлaтopим тиjeлимa. Нaжaлocт, тy ниje кpaj. Пpoцec<br />eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja, кpoз eвpoпcкy лeгиcлaтивy, кpeиpao je jeднy нoвy oблacт<br />законодавнe дjeлaтнocти изyзeтe oд надлежности нaциoнaлниx парламенaта.<br />Cнaжнe и вeoмa диcциплинoвaнe политичке партије дoминиpajy, нe caмo<br />политичким пpoцecимa, вeћ и кoмплeтним парламентарним пpoцeдypaмa и њиxoв<br />нapacтajyћи yтицaj yгpoжaвa пoдjeлy влacти кojy ycпocтaвљa ycтaв и пpoyзpoкyje<br />прoблeме y фyнкциoниcaњy парламентa yoпштe. C oбзиpoм нa њиxoв знaчaj, oнe cy<br />y oвoм paдy aнaлизиpaнe кao нeпocpeдни aктep, aли и индиpeктнo, кao чинилaц кojи<br />кoнтpoлишe oдpeђeнe инcтитyциje кoje yгpoжaвajy законодавнy надлежност<br />парламента.<br />Знaчaj диcepтaциje oглeдa ce y тoмe штo oвoj пpoблeмaтици дo caдa ниje<br />пocвeћeнa пyнa пaжњa, кoja yкљyчyje пpoцec eвpoпcкиx интeгpaциja и нeзaвиcниx<br />peгyлaтopниx тиjeлa. Зaкљyчaк кojи cмo дoниjeли нaкoн иcтpaживaњa je дa<br />oчиглeднo пocтojи пoтpeбa за парламентарнoм peфopмoм коja ћe yчинити<br />законодавни пocтyпaк eфикacниjим, a законодавнo тиjeлo cнaжниjим. Гeнepaлнo,<br />cмaтpaмo дa je нeoпxoднo cнaжeњe тpaдициoнaлнe пoдjeлe влacти. Диcepтaциja<br />тaкoђe пpeдлaжe cпeцифичнa кoнкpeтнa pjeшeњa y кoнтeкcтy peфopмe<br />законодавнoг пocтyпкa.</p> / <p>Ova diceptacije ce bavi zakonodavnom funkcijom paplamenta i njegovim<br />odnocom ca dpygim konkpetnim inctitycijama, koje ppeyzimajy od parlamenta<br />povjepene my nadležnosti, yzpokyjyjyći njegovy mapginalizacijy. Ovaj ppocec nije<br />nov, ali poctaje cve komplekcniji. Na početky cy to bile vlada i političke<br />partije, ali ce vpemenom bpoj cybjekata koji ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost<br />paplamenta povećavao. U ovom konkpetnom pitanjy, parlament ce cyočava ca<br />ozbiljnim izazovima, dijeleći nadležnost još i ca šefom dpžave, yctavnim<br />cydom, nezavicnim pegylatopim tijelima. Nažaloct, ty nije kpaj. Ppocec<br />evpopckix integpacija, kpoz evpopcky legiclativy, kpeipao je jedny novy oblact<br />zakonodavne djelatnocti izyzete od nadležnosti nacionalnix parlamenata.<br />Cnažne i veoma dicciplinovane političke partije dominipajy, ne camo<br />političkim ppocecima, već i kompletnim parlamentarnim ppocedypama i njixov<br />napactajyći yticaj ygpožava podjely vlacti kojy ycpoctavlja yctav i ppoyzpokyje<br />probleme y fynkcionicanjy parlamenta yopšte. C obzipom na njixov značaj, one cy<br />y ovom pady analizipane kao nepocpedni aktep, ali i indipektno, kao činilac koji<br />kontpoliše odpeđene inctitycije koje ygpožavajy zakonodavny nadležnost<br />parlamenta.<br />Značaj diceptacije ogleda ce y tome što ovoj ppoblematici do cada nije<br />pocvećena pyna pažnja, koja ykljyčyje ppocec evpopckix integpacija i nezavicnix<br />pegylatopnix tijela. Zakljyčak koji cmo donijeli nakon ictpaživanja je da<br />očigledno poctoji potpeba za parlamentarnom pefopmom koja će yčiniti<br />zakonodavni poctypak efikacnijim, a zakonodavno tijelo cnažnijim. Genepalno,<br />cmatpamo da je neopxodno cnaženje tpadicionalne podjele vlacti. Diceptacija<br />takođe ppedlaže cpecifična konkpetna pješenja y kontekcty pefopme<br />zakonodavnog poctypka.</p> / <p>This dissertation is dealing with legislative parliament function and its relation<br />with other particular institutions that take away stipulated powers from parliament<br />causing his marginalization. This process is not new but it‟s become more complex to<br />deal with. In the beginning there was government and political parties, but during the<br />time, number of actors that threaten the legislative competence of parliament increased.<br />On this particular issue, modern parliament facing difficult challenges, sharing his<br />competence with head of the state, constitutional court, independent regulatory agencies.<br />Unfortunatelly, that is not the end. EU integration process, through the European<br />legislation, creates new area of legislative activity excluded from the national<br />parliaments.<br />Strong and highly disciplined political parties are dominating not only political<br />process but whole parliamentary procedures, and its increasing influence causes further<br />damage to separation of powers that constitution establishes and harms parliament<br />particulary. Considering their impact in this process, they are studied in this work<br />directly, and indirectly &ndash; as an acter that control other particular institutions which<br />threaten legislative competence of parliament.<br />The importance of the dissertation is reflected in the fact that this issue does not<br />have full attention including EU integration process, indepedent regulatory bodies. The<br />conslusion that we made after the research is that obviously there is a need for<br />parliamentary reform which will make law-making process more efficient, and legislative<br />body stronger. Basically, we find it necessary strengthening of the traditional separation<br />of powers. Dissertation also proposes specific solutions in the context of the law-making<br />process reform.</p>

La démocratie est généralement abordée par la doctrine en droit international comme une valeur politique ayant des influences plus ou moins importantes sur le droit international depuis la fin de la Guerre Froide. Cette étude traite la démocratie comme étant l’expression d’une obligation internationale adressée aux États pour mettre en place un système politique basé sur des élections libres et honnêtes, le respect des droits politiques et l’instauration d’un État de droit. Ce trépied forme les éléments constitutifs de l’obligation démocratique et lui donne une structure composite. L’approche choisie part de l’étude du cycle de vie de cette obligation en droit international qui comprend deux phases principales : le processus de formation de l’obligation démocratique et les effets qu’elle génère.S’agissant du processus de formation, il inclut plusieurs étapes allant de la gestation de l’obligation démocratique jusqu'à sa formalisation par les modes formels de production des normes en droit international. En effet, cette obligation n’a pas pris forme dans l’ordre juridique international soudainement tel le Big Bang, mais a suivi une évolution déterminée.En ce qui concerne les effets générés par l’obligation démocratique, ils ont une double nature : directs et indirects. Les premiers sont normativement attachés à l’obligation dans le sens qu’ils créent un devoir juridique à la charge des États pour mettre en place un gouvernement démocratique et déclenchent la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité internationale de ceux qui ne s’y conformeraient pas. Les seconds sont d’ordre systémique et assurent l’applicabilité sociale de l’obligation démocratique en influant sur les dimensions institutionnelle et relationnelle de la société internationale. / Since the end of the Cold War, the mainstream scholars approach democracy as a political value which influences international law. This study analyses democracy as the content of an international obligation addressed to States to establish a political system based on free and fair elections, respect of political rights and the establishment of the rule of law. This tripod forms the constituent elements of the democratic obligation and gives it a composite structure. The chosen approach starts from the study of the obligation life cycle in international law, which comprises two main phases: the law-making process of the democratic obligation and its effects.The law-making process includes several stages ranging from the gestation of the democratic obligation to its formalization by the formal modes of production of norms in international law. Indeed, this obligation did not take form in the international legal order suddenly and similar to the Big Bang, but rather it followed a determined evolution.As for the effects generated by the democratic obligation, they have a dual nature: direct and indirect. The direct effects are normatively attached to the obligation in the sense that they create a legal duty addressed to States to establish a democratic government and trigger the implementation of the international responsibility of those who do not comply with it. The indirect effects have a systemic nature and ensure the social applicability of the democratic obligation by influencing the institutional and relational dimensions of international society.

The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the Security Council has opened a new avenue for law-making at the international level by adopting resolutions under Chapter VII of the UN Charter which create new norms of international law or modify international norms already in force (the normative resolutions). The normative resolutions analyzed in this study pertain to the areas of counterterrorism and the non-proliferation of weapons of mass-destruction. The new approach of the Security Council has been examined in light of the Third World Approaches in International law (TWAIL), as well as from the viewpoint of mainstream lawyers. Furthermore, 15 years of State practice relating to the implementation of these normative resolutions has been studied with a view to determining whether subsequent State practice confirms the exercise of a law-making function by the Security Council. Despite some incremental success in promoting international standards in the fight against terrorism, this thesis illustrates that the Security Council has not succeeded in introducing a new viable form of law-making. The Security Council’s authority to exercise such a function is now under serious doubt and its legitimacy questioned, as its normative resolutions were improperly initiated and adopted under the influence of a Permanent Member of the Security Council. Furthermore, the Security Council’s intervention in areas that are already highly regulated runs the risk of contributing to the fragmentation of international law—a phenomenon that undermines the coherence of international law. Currently, the Council’s normative resolutions are facing serious challenges at the implementation stage and several proceedings before national and regional courts have either directly challenged the normative resolutions, or questioned their enforceability. The Security Council is under continued pressure to further revise its practice or potentially face additional challenges before national, regional, and even international courts which may annul or quash relevant implementing measures. Thus, in light of relevant State practice, it is almost inconceivable that the Security Council would repeat its use of normative resolutions as a means of law-making in the future. Nevertheless, the increasing powers of the United Nations Security Council also stimulates an increasing demand to hold the United Nations accountable for the possible wrongful acts of its principal organ, particularly when its decisions harm individuals. It is argued that in the absence of a compulsory judicial mechanism at the international level, non-compliance with the Council’s decisions is the only viable way to challenge the Security Council wrongful acts. Yet, non-complying State or group of States should clearly identify their actions as countermeasures vis-a-vis ultra vires acts of Security Council and seek support from other like-minded States to avoid being declared recalcitrant, which may be followed by Security Council sanctions.

The rule-making power of the European Commission, dissertation Mgr. Mgr. Jiří Lenfeld, M.A.; supervisor: doc. JUDr. Richard Král, Ph.D., LL.M. Charles University, Faculty of Law, Department of European Law Prague, March 2013 The aim of the dissertation is to analyse the role of the European Commission in the legislative process of the European Union with the focus on procedures for adoption of legally binding Union acts. The European Commission is one of the main institutions of the European Union. It represents and upholds the interests of the EU as a whole and manages the day-to-day business of implementing EU policies. However, to limit the role of the European Commission to that of an executive body would be misleading. Its role in the EU institutional system is much broader than that. The European Commission is the most important legislator among the EU institutions and is also empowered with an almost exclusive power to submit drafts of EU legal acts. The rule-making power of the European Commission could be seen from two different points of view. In a narrow sense of the word it could be seen as a power conferred on the European Commission by the Treaties to propose drafts and to adopt EU legal acts implementing legally binding Union acts. However, the exercise of the rule-making power may...

The concept of judicial law-making impacts on the extent, meaning and scope relationship between the legislature, the executive and the judiciary. It is an integral function of the courts while its shape, meaning and nature seem to lack sufficient formulation and articulation, which results in an inherent problem regarding its legitimacy. This study examines the legitimacy and the working of the South African constitutional judicial law-making concepts. Its effect on the constitutional relationships between all three branches of government is scrutinized. In order to fully probe this concept, its impact and application on the separation of powers, judicial review, constitutional deference and mandatory minimum sentences becomes inevitable. The introductory part of this study looks at origins and historical development of the separation of powers doctrine and its application under the 1996 South African Constitution. The latter part focuses on the nature and the scope of judicial review, judicial law-making, constitutional deference and mandatory minimum sentences with a view establishing the impact of these concepts in our judicial law-making. The development of these concepts by South African courts, and what seems to be the lack of formulation and articulation of South African constitutional judicial law-making which raises questions regarding its legitimacy is probed. This research recommends that it is of the utmost importance that South Africa develops its own unique and comprehensive doctrine of separation of powers. The Constitution further requires reforms in order to clarify the extent to which the courts can go when formulating laws and public policy in the interests of justice, and whether the interests-of-justice test is capable of delivering a well-informed outcome in developing this jurisdiction’s laws. South African jurisprudence also needs to be developed in empowering the legislature to make laws which are constitutionally compliant without making the courts the sole expositor of the Constitution. Lastly, the extent to which the legislature can enact certain laws must be redefined, which on face value might seems to be encroaching into the courts’ independence and authority. / Criminal and Procedural Law / LL. D. (Criminal and Procedural Law)

A tension arises whenever the South African private law fails to meet constitutional right norms. To remedy a deficiency, two law-making options are available. The first is for the judiciary to develop or change private law principles and rules in order to provide protection for the implicated constitutional norm. The second is for the judiciary to enforce an obligation upon Parliament to enact legislation to amend or replace existing private law rights and obligations so as to safeguard the norm against interference from a private individual or entity. The former is the more conventional option, but, in recent years, the law reports record an increasing reliance on the legislative duty to protect constitutional right norms in private legal relationships. The thesis investigates the extent to which the latter phenomenon - which will be described as a 'pivot towards legislative remedies' - exists, and the circumstances in which the courts pivot towards legislative remedies rather than developing private law of their own accord. The thesis finds that legislative schemes that give effect to constitutional rights are likely to contain an array of benefits that are absent from or reduced in the judicial law-making process. The judicial pivot towards legislative remedies is thus a strategy to enhance the process through which conflicting rights are resolved, as it allows for the constitutional rebuilding of private law in a way that the judiciary is unable to do on its own. Importantly, however, theories of judicial deference do not explain the pivot. On the contrary, the courts have exercised a strict level of control over the legislative law-making pathway. Through either statutory interpretation or the review of legislation, the courts require legislation to contain the essentials of the judicial law-making framework. From this perspective, the judicial law-making process produces the floor of the rebuilding project and the legislative law-making process enhances that framework.