So Ming Hang. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 218-227). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.v / Content --- p.vii / List of Table and figures --- p.xi / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: the dilemma of RTHK and research questions --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Significance of the study: importance of the mass media and RTHK in the political process in Hong Kong --- p.4 / Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of the study: practical policy concerns for RTHK --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- The unstable financial situation of the public broadcasters around the world --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- "The political context of Hong Kong, which RTHK is situated" --- p.12 / Chapter 1.4 --- Research questions --- p.22 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: The normative role of public broadcaster and their performance in actual practice compared with commercial broadcaster --- p.25 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.25 / Chapter 2.2 --- Public vs Private --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3 --- Theoretical defense for the public broadcasting: Market failure in broadcasting --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Spectrum scarcity and failure of competition --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- """Public goods"" nature of broadcasting" --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Externality of the broadcasting as a media --- p.29 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- The incapacity of the audience --- p.34 / Chapter 2.4 --- Spectrum scarcity: Weakening rationale --- p.35 / Chapter 2.5 --- "Market Solution for the ""public goods"" failure: Advertising" --- p.36 / Chapter 2.6 --- Empirical studies: The public broadcasters may not be very different --- p.39 / Chapter 2.6.1 --- Information source/news source/guest --- p.39 / Chapter 2.6.2 --- Topics/Agenda --- p.42 / Chapter 2.6.3 --- Frames/Themes/Angle --- p.43 / Chapter 2.6.4 --- Other studies --- p.44 / Chapter 2.7 --- Theoretical explanation for the quite similar phenomenon between the public and commercial broadcasters --- p.46 / Chapter 2.7.1 --- Political economy perspective --- p.47 / Chapter 2.7.2 --- Sociological/Cultural approach --- p.48 / Chapter 2.8 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcaster make commercial broadcaster better --- p.49 / Chapter 2.9 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcasters still show its unique role --- p.50 / Chapter 2.10 --- Empirical studies: Public broadcaster may be different but pro-government (the presence of political pressure) --- p.52 / Chapter 2.11 --- The study on Hong Kong mass media and Public Broadcasting --- p.55 / Chapter 2.12 --- Summary --- p.60 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- The historical background and expected distinctive mission of RTHK in Hong Kong --- p.63 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.63 / Chapter 3.2 --- The basic structure and existing service of RTHK --- p.64 / Chapter 3.3 --- The historical development of RTHK as a public broadcaster --- p.66 / Chapter 3.4 --- The existing base for RTHK working as a public broadcaster --- p.71 / Chapter 3.5 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: claimed by RTHK and the government --- p.73 / Chapter 3.6 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: expected and interpreted by the public --- p.78 / Chapter 3.7 --- Role of RTHK as a different broadcaster: expected and interpreted by the pro-China camp --- p.80 / Chapter 3.8 --- Summary: High expectation on RTHK to act differently --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Research method and design: The coverage of RTHK on 2004 Hong Kong Legislative Council election compared with the commercial broadcasters --- p.84 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.84 / Chapter 4.2 --- 2004 Legislative Council Election as a case to compare the public and commercial broadcaster --- p.85 / Chapter 4.3 --- The Radio broadcasting in Hong Kong --- p.87 / Chapter 4.4 --- Commercial radio broadcasting in Hong Kong --- p.89 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Commercial Radio --- p.90 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Metro Broadcast --- p.92 / Chapter 4.5 --- Research Method: quantitative content analysis with the help of qualitative analysis --- p.94 / Chapter 4.6 --- Hypothesis setting --- p.95 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Data Analysis I: The News bulletins in the 2004 Legislative Council Election --- p.101 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.101 / Chapter 5.2 --- Background --- p.101 / Chapter 5.3 --- The salience of the election coverage --- p.102 / Chapter 5.4 --- The themes of the election coverage --- p.105 / Chapter 5.5 --- The news source of the election coverage --- p.112 / Chapter 5.6 --- The sound bite sources and their duration of the election coverage --- p.118 / Chapter 5.7 --- Summary: RTHK quite followed the mainstream commercial broadcasters --- p.123 / Chapter 5.8 --- Case I: The nomination period for the election --- p.125 / Chapter 5.9 --- Case II: Ma Lik has been diagnosed as having cancer --- p.136 / Chapter 5.10 --- Discussion and Summary for the finding --- p.139 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Data Analysis II: The phone-in current affairs programme in the 2004 Legislative Council Election --- p.143 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.143 / Chapter 6.2 --- Background --- p.143 / Chapter 6.3 --- The salience of the election-related discussion --- p.145 / Chapter 6.4 --- The topics for the discussion about the election --- p.150 / Chapter 6.5 --- The guest for the election discussion --- p.165 / Chapter 6.6 --- Discussion and Summary for the findings --- p.183 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusion: RTHK provided limited alternatives in the coverage of 2004 Legislative Council Election by news bulletins and phone-in programmes --- p.187 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.187 / Chapter 7.2 --- Summary of the findings from the study --- p.191 / Chapter 7.3 --- Implication and discussion --- p.196 / Chapter 7.4 --- Limitation and further research --- p.202 / Appendix --- p.205 / Appendix I The original quotation used in different chapters --- p.205 / Appendix II Analysis Form for each story in the news bulletin --- p.209 / Appendix III Analysis Form for the phone-in current affairs programme --- p.213 / Appendix IV The election-related topics that discussed by the phone-in programmes in the study period --- p.215 / Bibliography --- p.218

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.