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Linked verse is a communicative and dynamic poetic form in which a series of verses are usually composed by several poets. It existed in both China and Japan and was fully explored by Han Yu’s circle and Bashō’s school, respectively. This thesis is a comparative study of the lian ju (Chinese linked verse) by Han Yu’s circle and the haikai (Japanese popular linked verse) by Bashō’s school, with focus on the arts of linking, the most important and interesting aspect of this unique poetic form. This study begins with a broad introduction and comparison of the two literary groups and their linked verse compositions. Representing the highest level of linked verse compositions in China and Japan, Han’s lian ju and Bashō’s haikai share some similarities. Yet whereas the former never outshone individual poetry in terms of influence and popularity, the latter dominated the entire poetic field, at least in Bashō’s day. In the second chapter, I investigate how the verses are linked. In terms of linking techniques, Han Yu’s circle basically used “close link,” including “word link” and “content link,” which does not exceed the range of the Chinese poetic tradition. In contrast, Bashō’s school valued the “distant link,” which is usually beyond expectation and needs analysis and imagination. In both cases, the linking is usually a combination of “complementary linking” and “competitive linking.” However, the competitive atmosphere prevails in the former while the complementary characteristic is represented more often in the latter. The third chapter continues the topic of linking, but it focuses on how the verses in a sequence are integrated as a whole. The verses in a lian ju sequence share a topic and are organized as in traditional individual poetry. In a haikai sequence, however, verses with different topics and images are disciplined by detailed rules. Finally, I compare the styles of the two schools. Both of them created a “new” poetic style by searching for the “old.” Nevertheless, the content of their poetry and their ways of composing poetry are very different.

Cette thèse en Histoire et sémiologie porte sur les représentations de l’unité du peuple chinois (1949-2009) et le traitement médiatique des conflits au Tibet (2008) et au Xinjiang (2009). Dans le cadre d'une approche sémiotique, l'analyse des images et des textes nous permet de considérer comment les discours d'information, les discours institutionnels et ceux des industries culturelles font la promotion de l'unité du peuple chinois. Ce travail se concentre sur les écritures portées par le gouvernement chinois soucieux de proposer le récit collectif d'une société harmonieuse, de maintenir une nation solidaire au moment de deux crises sociales entre les Hans et les ethnies minoritaires. L'année 2008 aurait dû, grâce aux Jeux Olympiques, être l'année favorisant le nation-branding d'une Chine victorieuse. Or, cinq mois avant l’ouverture des JO de Pékin, les événements de Lhassa, capitale de la région autonome du Tibet, mettent sous tension le gouvernement chinois et soulignent une fracture profonde entre les Hans et les Tibétains. Un an après, des émeutes surviennent dans la Région autonome ouïghoure du Xinjiang. Pour traiter les récits médiatiques, nous comparons à la fois les différents points de vue portés par des journalistes chinois et français sur ces événements, nous observons aussi comment un certain nombre d’Ouïghours ont participé à un mouvement de réhabilitation des Xinjiangrens (habitants du Xinjiang) à la suite de la publication d’un livre Je viens du Xinjiang, ouvrage qui fait partie de notre corpus. Cette thèse observe donc comment les médias d'information, les séries télévisées, les écritures de l'histoire officielle promue par le gouvernement chinois, les productions des industries culturelles (cinéma, émissions de plateau, projets d'éditions imprimées...) finissent par former la légende collective de l'unité du peuple chinois. / The present thesis in History and Semiology concentrates on the representations of the unity of Chinese people (1949-2009) and the media coverage of conflicts in Tibet (2008) and Xinjiang (2009). From a semiotic approach, the analysis of images and texts give us an overview of how the information discourse, political discourse and cultural industry discourse, promote the unity of the Chinese people. This current research focuses on the writings of the Chinese government whose main concerns are to construct a collective narrative of a harmonious society and to maintain a united nation at the time of two social crises between the Han Chinese and other Chinese ethnic minorities. The year of 2008 should, thanks to the Olympic Games, be the year in favor of the nation-branding of a victorious in China. However, five months before the opening of the Beijing Olympics, the events in Lhasa -the capital of the Tibet Autonomous Region- put the Chinese government under pressure and brought to light the great divide between the Han and the Tibetans. A year later, riots occurred in the Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. In order to analyze the media narrative, we compare different points of view of both Chinese and French journalists on these events. We also observe how a number of Uyghurs participated in a rehabilitation movement of Xinjiangrens (people of Xinjiang) after the publication of the book I come from Xinjiang - a work that is a part of our corpus. As a result, this thesis observes how, in 21st centry, the news, the television series, the official writings of the history promoted by the Chinese government, a diverse range of productions of cultural industries (new technology of information and communication, social network, cinema, TV program and the traditional media...) contribute to re-write a new collective legend of the unity of Chinese people.

Thesis (M. Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-137). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

內容扼要說明： 第一章：緒論 第一節：研究背景與動機說明 第二節：研究目的 第三節：研究範圍、方法與過程 第二章：理論架構 第一節：政策執行的意義 第二節：我國農業政策過程─一個由上而下（TOP-DOWN）的過程 第三節：政策內容（CONTENT ）因素與執行 第四節：政策綱路（CONTEXT ）因素與執行 第五節：小結─總結以上討論，並以一圖示說明本文之分析架構 第三章：「加強基層建設，提高農民所得方案」問題背景與執行過程 第一節：台灣之農業發展與農業問題之發生 第二節：政策之政策─從「農業十四點綱領」到「加強基層建設，提高農民所得方案 」；剖析我國農業政策演變，並詳述「加案」之緣起、內容、目標 第三節：花蓮縣政府對「農杓建設計劃」之具體化措施 第四節：執行過程中之參與者與互動關係 第五節：方案執行之績交。問題與解決 第四章：理論架構對本方案執行過程的解釋 第一節：政策衝突對執行之影響 第二節：政策內容因素對執行之影響 第三節：政策網絡因素對執行之影響 第四節：參與者互動關係對執行績效之影響 第五章：結論與建議 第一節：研究結論 第二節：研究建議

Jag har genom en förberedande fältstudie, litteraturgenomgång och enkätintervjuer undersökt svenska och kinesiska företagsrepresentanters upplevelser av det interkulturella mötet, med utgångspunkt i svenska företag som opererar på den kinesiska marknaden. Det var uppsatsens syfte och jag har utgått ifrån frågeställningen: Hur upplever svenska och kinesiska företagsrepresentanter det interkulturella mötet? Subfrågor till denna är: Vilka kulturella faktorer skapar det kinesiska sättet att kommunicera? Hur upplever svenska företagsrepresentanter det interkulturella mötet med den kinesiska marknaden? Hur upplever kinesiska företagsrepresentanter det interkulturella mötet med svenska företagsrepresentanter? Vilka av studien framkomna faktorer skulle kunna underlätta det interkulturella mötet för svenskars fortsatta affärer i Kina? Det är gjort genom att identifiera skillnader mellan den svenska och kinesiska kulturen för att förklara de bakomliggande faktorerna till att vi uppfattar varandra som vi gör, och genom det belysa ett urval möjligheter och fallgropar som den kinesiska kulturen kan medföra för svenska företag som opererar på den kinesiska marknaden. Det teoretiska ramverket utgörs av teorier inom publika relationer samt interkulturell kommunikation. Litteraturgenomgången fokuserar på faktorer såsom mianzi, lian, guanxi samt filosofiska influenser som har inverkan på kommunikationsmönstret. Jag har använt mig av exempel på hur andra svenska och internationella företag anpassat sitt PR-arbete till den kinesiska kontexten för att skapa ytterligare en dimension. Vidare belyses respondenternas svar ur skenet från Hofstedes dimensioner kollektivism, maktdistans, maskulinitet, osäkerhetsundvikande, tidsorientering samt Halls teori om låg och hög kontext. Min slutsats är att interkulturell kommunikativ kompetens snarare rör sig om social kompetens och förståelse, vilket grundar sig i att lyhördhet, ödmjukhet, självinsikt och självkännedom är ledord för all kommunikation – oavsett om det är intra- eller interkulturell sådan. Skillnaderna i kulturerna skall inte överdrivas då människor i grunden är ganska lika. Majoriteten av de svenska och kinesiska respondenterna har aldrig råkat ut för något större problem på grund av kulturella skillnader. Sverige och Kina är inte så långt ifrån varandra som mycket litteratur insinuerar. I ljuset av den förberedande fältstudien, enkätintervjuerna och viss litteratur vågar jag påstå att stora delar av litteraturen präglas av ett närapå sensationsjournalistiskt angreppsätt med dualistiska perspektiv som exotifierar och mystifierar Kina.     Seeing is believing! Vi ser inte Kina som det faktiskt är, utan som vi hoppas, tror eller fruktar att det är. Frédèric Cho, Senior Adviser, Handelsbanken Capital Markets / I have through a preparatory field survey; literature review and survey interviews examined Swedish and Chinese business representatives’ experiences from the intercultural meeting, based on Swedish companies operating on the Chinese market. It was the purpose of the essay and I have started from the question: How has Swedish and Chinese business representatives experienced the intercultural meeting? Underlying questions are: What cultural factors create the Chinese communication style? How does Swedish business representatives experience the intercultural meeting with the Chinese market? How does Chinese business representatives experience the intercultural meeting with Swedish business representatives? Which of the study presented factors could facilitate the intercultural meeting of the Swedes continued business in China? This is done by identifying differences between Swedish and Chinese culture with the aim to explain underlying factors to why we perceive each other as we do, and through this highlight a selection of opportunities and pitfalls that the Chinese culture may have on Swedish companies operating on the Chinese market. The theoretical framework consists of theories in public relations, and intercultural communications. The literature review focuses on factors such as mianzi, lian, guanxi and philosophical influences that have an impact on the communication pattern. I have used examples from Swedish and international companies that have adapted their public relations work for the Chinese context to create an additional dimension. Moreover, the respondents’ answers are elucidated in the light of Hofstede’s dimensions of collectivism, power distance, masculinity, uncertainty avoidance, time orientation and Halls’s theory of low and high context. My conclusion is that intercultural communicative competence, rather are social skills and understanding, which is based on responsiveness, humility, self-awareness and self-knowledge – keywords in all aspects of communication whether it is intra- or intercultural such. Differences in cultures should not be exaggerated since people are fundamentally quite similar. The majority of the Swedish and Chinese respondents have never encountered any major problems due to cultural differences. Sweden and China are not as far apart as much literature insinuates. In the light of the preparatory field survey, survey interviews and some literature I venture to say that much of the literature is characterized by an almost sensational journalistic approach with dualistic perspective exotifying and mystifying China.     Seeing is believing! We do not see China as it actually is, but as we hope, believe and fear it is. Frédèric Cho, Senior Adviser, Handelsbanken Capital Markets

Tse, Hiu Hin. / Thesis M.Phil. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 162-169). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on 15, September, 2016).

Pong, Seong Teresa. / Thesis submitted in: October 2006. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 170-173). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter1: --- Introduction --- p.1 / The Symbols --- p.1 / Thesis Objectives --- p.11 / Literature Review --- p.15 / Research Methods --- p.26 / Summary --- p.32 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- "The ""Modernization"" of Hong Kong Buddhism" --- p.40 / Modernized Buddhism closer to home --- p.41 / F6 Guang Shan --- p.42 / Dharma Drum Mountain [Fagu Shan Education Foundation] --- p.46 / ClJT Gongdehui --- p.49 / What are they teaching? --- p.50 / Independent Religiosity --- p.54 / The impact of TBO's in Hong Kong --- p.58 / """Cultural Buddhism"" of Chi Lin" --- p.62 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- The Rise of Chi Lin Nunnery --- p.67 / Chi Lin's History --- p.67 / The Tang Dynasty Reproduction --- p.73 / Chi Lin's attempt to replicate the past --- p.75 / Discussion on the architecture of the redeveloped Chi Lin Nunnery --- p.80 / The Other Hardware - The Hammer Hill Road Garden --- p.82 / The Significance of Chinese Temples' Surroundings --- p.85 / The Software - Services offered --- p.88 / The Designer and her Team --- p.92 / What do the outsiders think? --- p.100 / Summary --- p.101 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- The Proselytes --- p.104 / Why Buddhism? --- p.104 / Conversion to Buddhism --- p.108 / From Folk Religion to Buddhism --- p.110 / From Christianity to Buddhism --- p.117 / The Rites of Passages with divisions in beliefs --- p.125 / Summary --- p.129 / Chapter Chapter 5 - --- Conclusion --- p.136 / Proselytes: Who was the instigator? --- p.136 / The two major groups of proselytes --- p.137 / Social Leveling in Hong Kong --- p.140 / The Concept of Belief Intensity Cycles --- p.144 / The Role of Chi Lin Nunnery --- p.153 / Conclusion --- p.156 / Appendix 1 --- p.166 / Bibliography --- p.170

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-224).

國立西南聯合大學（簡稱「西南聯大」或「聯大」）是與抗戰相始終的大學。它以戰時教育聞名，成立於抗戰初期（1938 年），由國立北京大學、國立清華大學和私立南開大學聯合組成，抗戰結束後三校解散北歸（1946 年），各自復校。日本的入侵和國家的貧弱，聯大師生共有的民族情感，聯大民主自由的人文環境和「雲南王」龍雲對戰時民主力量的保護等因素，合力構成了聯大地下黨統戰工作的發展空間。這一發展空間與重要的歷史事件的時間點（如1941 年1 月「皖南事變」、1945 年8 月「抗戰勝利」和10 月「龍雲下台」）一起，構成了一個國共角逐的時空。 / 中共中央和南方局對地下黨組織統戰工作的重視和具體指導的時間恰是在聯大成立初期；在聯大中期，為適應局勢，爭取大多數「中間派師生」的支持，中共先後製定了「十六字」方針（即「蔭蔽精幹，長期埋伏，積蓄力量，以待時機」）和「三勤」（即「勤學」、「勤業」、「勤交友」）政策；在聯大後期，中共統戰的方針政策在實踐中得到檢驗，取得成效。 / 聯大地下黨的統戰工作是中共雲南省工作委員會（簡稱「雲南省工委」）統戰工作的重要組成部分。南方局和雲南省工委統戰工作的重點是介於國共兩黨間的「中間力量」。聯大地下黨統戰的人群以聯大師生為主，他們用知識份子所能接受的語言和交友方式對其做統戰工作，突出中共是眾望所歸的力量。一方面，地下黨人以「民族主義」和「愛國」來把如聯大教授等「中間力量」團結起來，通過組織集會探討時事以引發高級知識份子思考抗戰失利、貪污腐敗、物價飛漲、民不聊生的根源，由此孤立國民黨。另一方面，聯大地下黨人在品學兼優的基礎上，以「中間學生」的姿態出現，為聯大同學辦實事（如解決吃飯難問題），由此贏得了大多數「中間學生」的好感。如果說在雲南民主運動高潮到來前，聯大地下黨對「中間派師生」的統戰成效限於潛移默化的影響，那麼在1944-1946年民主運動高潮來臨時，其統戰成效已體現為促使「中間派師生」走出書齋，用文字和行動來爭取「民主與和平」，反抗國民黨當局的獨裁專制。 / 誠然，在四十年代中期，「中間力量」所認同的是介於美蘇政治體制間的「第三條道路」。因此，雲南省工委和聯大地下黨通過扛起「民族主義」和「新民主」的旗幟將聯大師生等「中間力量」凝聚在一起，在孤立國民黨的同時，促使「中間力量」放棄「第三條道路」，服膺於「新民主主義」的「革命」之路。無疑，毛澤東的話語吸引了愛國的知識份子群體，使其感到儘管中共提倡的「新民主」並非西方強調的「民主」，但卻是一條可行的救國之路，「中間力量」感到可參與其中，輔助中共並影響其決策，甚至共同決定中國未來發展的方向。的確，大多數的聯大師生等「中間力量」對於中共及其所提倡的「新民主」是有期待的。南方局、雲南省工委和聯大地下黨的統戰成效亦於此可見。 / 然而，本文也提及，在中共成為執政黨後，當「中間力量」對「革命」勝利發揮作用的歷史使命完成後，受西方教育理念影響的知識份子的「自由主義」與中共的「思想統整」間的弔詭性矛盾即被凸顯。因此，在中共建國後，對知識份子的思想改造不可避免，在這個靈魂改造的過程中，受沖擊的不僅僅是聯大師生 等「中間力量」，即使雲南省工委和聯大地下黨人亦不能幸免。 / 事實上，聯大地下黨對聯大師生等「中間力量」的統戰工作的深遠影響並未隨著聯大的解體和新中國的成立而結束。聯大地下黨人及其統戰對象聯大「中間派師生」，在經歷了新中國對知識份子的思想改造運動後，如何反思民族主義、革命與民主的關係亦值得作進一步的梳理和檢討。這是本文的一個後續研究方向。 / "The emergence of National South-west Associated University (hereafter abbreviated as NSAU) coincided roughly with the war of the Chinese resistance to Japanese aggression. Because of the Marco Polo Bridge (Lugou Qiao) incident on 7 July 1937 and the subsequent Japanese invasion of China, three renowned universities of north China, Peking University, Tsinghua University and Nankai University, were consolidated into one temporary university, National Changsha Temporary University (hereafter abbreviated as NCTU), by the Ministry of Education and relocated to Changsha in 1937. At the end of 1937, Nanjing fell, and Wuhan was in crisis, NCTU was forced to move again then to Yunnan province in 1938 and changed its name to NSAU. NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU, known as an exemplar of wartime education in modern China history, is an important arena of the Chinese Communist Party’s (hereafter abbreviated as CCP) United Front activities between 1938-1946. A number of factors such as Japanese invasion, the country’s poverty and weakness, the sense of nationalism of the University’s teachers and students, the humanistic environment of democracy and freedom of the University, and the protection of the democratic forces by the “King of Yunnan” Long Yun during war times had combined to form a space for the development of the underground CCP's United Front activities in NSAU. / NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work was an important part of the Southern Bureau’s and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee's activities. The Southern Bureau was in charge of the underground party branches in Chiang Kai-shek’s districts. The United Front work of the Southern Bureau and the CCP Yunnan Work Committee focused on “the third force” or “the middle force”. In order to win the support of almost all intellectuals especially NSAU’s students and professors, Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai separately formulated the Sixteen-Character Guideline of the CCP’s underground party work: Hiding Elites (yinbi jinggan), Long-term Ambushes (changqi maifu), Saving Force (jixu liliang) and Waiting for the Opportunity (yidai shiji) and the policy of the Three Diligences that refers to Working with Diligence, Studying with Diligence, and Making friends with Diligence. The policy of the Three Diligences was the concrete application of the Sixteen-Character Guideline, according to Zhou Enlai’s idea. / NSAU’s underground party undertook United Front work to influence “the middle force” by cultural activities, propaganda skills and the ways of making friends that were accepted by most of the intellectuals, and stressed that CCP could meet the expectations of the patriotic masses in China. On the one hand,the Communists united “the middle force” such as NSAU’s professors who adhered to nationalism and patriotism, and isolated the Nationalists by organizing rallies and discussing current events, and then led the senior intellectuals to believe that the root cause of the defeat in the anti-Japanese war, corruption, soaring prices and hardship suffered by people wasGuomindang, the Nationalist Party. On the other hand, NSAU’s underground party members, who excelled others in both morals and studies, solved practical problems for their classmates (such as the lack of food), thus winning most of their classmates’ support. / Admittedly “the middle force” was identified with “the third way” whose political stand was between the American and Soviet models in mid-1940s. But the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party combined elements of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s students and professors to isolate the Guomindang, and prompted them to give up “the third way” and believe in the revolutionary way of New Democracy. / There is no doubt that Mao Zedong’s words moved the patriotic intellectuals and made them feel that although the New Democracy advocated by CCP was not Western democracy, it was a feasible way to save the country, and these intellectuals and democrats could participate in and influence the CCP’s decisions on the developmental direction of China in the future. Indeed, most of followers of “the middle force” such as NSAU’s teachers and students believed in both CCP and its New Democracy. In this sense, it is obvious that the United Front activities of the Southern Bureau, the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party were highly effective. / This thesis also mentions that, however, after CCP became the ruling party and “the middle force” had completed its historical mission of being an important ally and follower of CCP in the revolutionary victory, the paradoxical contradiction between the liberal intellectuals influenced by Western value on the one side, and CCP, on the other, became notable. Therefore, a movement of thought reform for intellectuals had to be launched after the founding of the People's Republic of China. In this campaign to reform the soul, those purged were not only “the middle force” including NSAU’s students and professors, but even the CCP Yunnan Work Committee and NSAU’s underground party members. / In fact, the profound influence of NSAU’s underground party’s United Front work on “the middle force” did not end with the disbandment of NSAU and the establishment of new China. After the movement of thought reform for intellectuals, how the former NSAU’s underground party members and their targets of United Front work (i.e., the former NSAU’s teachers and students of “the middle force”) reflected upon the relations between nationalism, revolution and democracy is worth further examination and review. This will be one of the dimensions of a follow-up study of this dissertation. / 劉宇. / Thesis Ph.D. Chinese University of Hong Kong 2016. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 339-365). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on September 8, 2017). / Liu Yu . / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.