This research explores the political debates surrounding changes in the law regulating citizenship revocation in Canada and how they reflect the tensions in the meaning of citizenship for dual national citizens. Borrowing from citizenship studies and critical criminology, the main argument in this thesis is that Bill C-24 seems to be an attempt on part of the Conservative Party to recalibrate the meaning of citizenship from a more liberal understanding (based on civic rights) to one that is more republican (based on civic duty). This research also demonstrates how this recalibration in the conception of citizenship from a more liberal notion to a more republican one parallels the shift in crime control policies of the state that were geared more toward prioritizing the welfare and equality of all citizens under the law in the 1960s-70s to ones that are presently oriented toward punishment, control and management of “dangerous groups”. The scholarly literature suggests that the modern conception of citizenship tends to draw from the republican and liberal traditions that are complementary but are also in tension, and the recent political discussions surrounding citizenship involves arguing for the best balance between rights and responsibilities of citizens. The analysis of the parliamentary debates surrounding Bill C-24 reveals that, in light of Canada’s current political landscape that is heavily influenced by penal-populist notions of punishing the offender populations and making “responsibilized” citizens, the pendulum of citizenship is generally being tilted toward the republican model (based on restoration of civic duties of citizens to the state and their fellow citizens) more so than the liberal model (based on preserving the welfare, liberty and equality of all citizens under the law).

This paper is characterized as a critical case study aimed to scrutinize the continuous situation regarding Syrian refugees in Lebanon from an ethical theoretical approach. Mainly, two specific theoretical models regarding ethics in migration and a theoretical standpoint regarding ethics in migration are presented as the theoretical and scientific framework. Arash Abizadeh’s two models, known as the state sovereignty model and the liberal model are implemented in order to understand and to pinpoint the course of the Lebanese situation. Additional, Joseph Carens’ theory concerning ethics in migration is implemented parallel with the two models, to enhance the analytical tools and to introduce a normative perspective. Regarding the empirical result, three distinct perspectives are utilized in order to cope with the situation on a fair and nuanced ground. The Syrian refugees themselves, international involvement and the Lebanese government are presented as the empirical pathways throughout this paper. Concluding results of this paper tends to pinpoint uncertainty and unawareness to be the key factors in explaining the actions of the Lebanese government. Based on the theoretical framework presented in this paper, there is an established tendency to conclude that Syrian refugees has not been treated accordingly to ethical concepts. Because of the distinct ideal differences between the two theoretical models, the results tend to be more evident. The Lebanese government has initially tended to affiliate itself with the liberal model. However, as time has progressed the government has acted accordingly to the state sovereignty model, with not acknowledging ethical limitations in its decision making. While remaining in the grasp of the state sovereignty model, the government and the civil society has begun lighting sparks in actions that have been taken. These actions tend to recognize ethical limitations, thus moving Lebanon towards the liberal model, but far from being completely implemented. In summary, Lebanon’s situation has brought it to a tendency to conduct temporary policies in an increasingly permanent situation.

O desenvolvimento econÃmico à um tema presente na literatura econÃmica desde a escola clÃssica. No perÃodo pÃs-II guerra, inicio do regime de acumulaÃÃo fordista, surge uma vasta literatura especÃfica sobre o problema do subdesenvolvimento nos paÃses da periferia. Estes autores enfatizavam o papel que a industrializaÃÃo e os investimentos em infraestrutura possuÃam para superar o subdesenvolvimento. No Brasil, neste mesmo perÃodo, Celso Furtado diagnosticava as raÃzes do subdesenvolvimento utilizando-se do mÃtodo histÃrico estrutural e enfatizando o papel do estado para a construÃÃo de uma polÃtica de desenvolvimento nacional para se superar o subdesenvolvimento. Furtado foi o principal influenciador da ideologia nacional-desenvolvimentista que dominou tanto a literatura econÃmica quanto as polÃticas de desenvolvimento (no perÃodo do modelo de substituiÃÃo de importaÃÃes) adotadas no Brasil atà o inÃcio dos anos 1980. Com a crise do modelo fordista e o inÃcio do regime de acumulaÃÃo de dominÃncia financeira, a literatura sobre o desenvolvimento econÃmico fica relegada frente Ãs polÃticas de carÃter neoliberal que passam a dominar a agenda dos governos. No Brasil, a consequÃncia deste novo regime de acumulaÃÃo foi a crise da dÃvida externa, nos anos 80. Com as reformas econÃmicas ocorridas nos anos 90, culminando com a criaÃÃo do plano Real, o paÃs passa a se inserir no modelo liberal perifÃrico, deixando de ser tratado como um âpaÃs subdesenvolvidoâ e passando ao status de âmercado emergenteâ. O plano Real foi eficiente ao controlar a inflaÃÃo, mas teve um custo social muito elevado. Em 2003, Lula toma posse como presidente do Brasil adotando as mesmas polÃticas neoliberais do governo FHC, frustrando as expectativas de seus eleitores. Em 2007, o presidente Lula se reelege e, logo no inÃcio de seu segundo mandato lanÃa o Programa de AceleraÃÃo do Crescimento (PAC), dizendo ser um programa de desenvolvimento e prometendo investir em infraestrutura para gerar crescimento econÃmico com equidade social. Um grupo de economistas brasileiros autodenominados de novo-desenvolvimentistas identifica o PAC como um rompimento com as polÃticas neoliberais no Brasil, e uma volta do estado na economia exercendo um papel essencial para a promoÃÃo do desenvolvimento. De fato, constatouse que o segundo governo Lula foi melhor, em termos de indicadores socioeconÃmicos, que o primeiro. Esta dissertaÃÃo fez uma anÃlise crÃtica do PAC, do governo Lula e do novodesenvolvimentismo. Identificou uma decadÃncia teÃrica dos novo-desenvolvimentistas reduzindo o debate desenvolvimentista à propostas de polÃticas macroeconÃmicas. Identificou que as razÃes do segundo governo Lula ter se saÃdo melhor que o primeiro, foi, menos por conta do PAC, e mais por questÃes externas, principalmente o efeito china. Identificou tambÃm que o PAC, que se propunha a ser um programa de desenvolvimento, possui medidas institucionais com viÃs liberal, alÃm de enfatizar os investimentos em infraestrutura apenas no setor de commodities, corroborando para reprimarizaÃÃo da pauta exportadora e ampliando a vulnerabilidade externa estrutural do paÃs. Por fim, constatou tambÃm que, apesar dos investimentos em infraestrutura serem essenciais para o desenvolvimento do paÃs, o balanÃo de quatro anos do PAC mostrou resultados muito aquÃm do esperado, possuindo, inclusive dados inflados pelo governo.

The thesis is dealing with financial aspects of the U.S. health care system. The main reasons are excessively high costs and less beneficial outputs of the system compared to other developed countries. The topic is more than up to date especially with regard to the latest changes in American health care and the neverending discussion about the necessity of further reforms aiming especially at fiscal sustainability of the system.The introduction is devoted to a brief description of basic models of health care system. It also introduces the approach of the United States to health care and provides an overview of the structure and participants of American health care. Moreover, the thesis provides details about the latest reform of the system. The main objective of the thesis is analysis of main factors that contributes to high growth of health care costs. Technological development, consolidation of markets and ineffective setting of health care reimbursement are identified as some of the main contributors to high cost in the U.S. health care system.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2017-03-20T19:45:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 marinavaleriadelagevicentemancini.pdf: 1033164 bytes, checksum: 74b704d2c0bd1d52212f074f1a59dc3a (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-03-21T13:26:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 marinavaleriadelagevicentemancini.pdf: 1033164 bytes, checksum: 74b704d2c0bd1d52212f074f1a59dc3a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-21T13:26:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 marinavaleriadelagevicentemancini.pdf: 1033164 bytes, checksum: 74b704d2c0bd1d52212f074f1a59dc3a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-29 / A dissertação aqui apresentada possui como objetivo desvelar, num primeiro momento, a categoria fundo público, para, a partir dela, podermos estudar o seu instrumento de materialização, ou seja, o orçamento público federal - com uma nova proposta de análise - no intuito de verificarmos, através do direcionamento dos gastos públicos, se o governo do Partido dos Trabalhadores ao longo de 12 anos no poder deu continuidade a um modelo liberal periférico herdado dos anos 1990 ou apresentou uma nova tendência denominada neodesenvolvimentista. / The dissertation presented here aims to unveil, at first, the public funds category, so that we can study its instrument of materialization, that is, the federal public budget - with a new analysis proposal - in order to verify, through the directing of public expenditures, whether the government of the Workers' Party over 12 years in power continued a peripheral liberal model inherited from the 1990s or presented a new trend called neo-developmentalist.