Les libertés publiques ont toujours rencontré des obstacles affectant leur réel exercice en Tunisie. Les transitions démocratiques souvent invoquées par les dirigeants, se sont avérées des périodes au cours desquelles, cet exercice est le plus vulnérable. A chaque période, correspondent des priorités présentées par l’élite dirigeante pour justifier l’ajournement de l’exercice des libertés publiques. Les institutions politiques, l’organisation du pouvoir et le cadre normatif, ne permettent pas de dire qu’ils offrent un terrain favorable aux libertés publiques. Ces d.dernières, sont d’autant plus vulnérables, qu’elles évoluent dans un milieu politico-idéologique peu propice à leur épanouissement. Les affrontements entre les modernistes et les conservateurs, sont la plus part du temps résolus grâce au consensus, fruit d’une alliance entre la modernité et la tradition. Toujours est-il, à chaque ouverture d’une période transitoire, le débat se durcit et aussi la peur de perdre les acquis d’une Tunisie réformiste. / Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows.

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Assurer un équilibre, entre les différentes parties du contrat du travail, a toujours été l'un des buts de la création de la branche du droit du travail. La mise en place des règles du droit du travail réside, certes, dans une finalité particulière ; elle est constituée par la volonté d'émanciper le travailleur même, dans l'espace de l'entreprise. C'est assurément dans le même dessein que, pour permettre aux libertés individuelles de ne pas rester à la lisière de l'entreprise, des droits d'expression collective ont été attribués aux travailleurs : la liberté syndicale, le droit de grève et le principe de participation. Il convient d'étudier la fondamentalité de ces droits, dans un champ qui doit nécessairement s'affranchir de tout ordre juridique national, en regard du caractère universel dont ils disposent. Mais encore faut-il partir de deux ordres internes pour mener une réflexion non superficielle. Comment ne pas dès lors partir du « pays des droits de l'homme » et du « quartier latin de l'Afrique », pour voir dans quelle mesure les droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail sont partout respectés. La problématique de « mimétisme juridique » génère t-elle des difficultés sur le plan des garanties des libertés collectives des travailleurs en Afrique et, plus précisément, au Bénin ? Qu'en est-il de la réalité des droits fondamentaux de l'homme au travail dans l'ex Dahomey ? Telles sont les formes de questions auxquelles cette étude comparative des libertés collectives des travailleurs se propose d'apporter une esquisse de réponse. / To ensure a balance, between the different parts of the work contract, has always been the aim of the employment law creation. The implementation of the rules of employment law certainly has got a particular purpose. It is constituted by the wish to get the worker emancipated in the business space. It is certainly in the same purpose that, in order to enable individual liberties not to remain in the edge of the enterprise, those collective expressions rights were given to workers: the liberty of trade unions, the right to strike and the principle of participation. We will have to study the fundamental nature of those rights in a way which would be totally free of any national legal system, in regard of the universal character there have. However, we still have to start from two internal orders to reach a non-superficial reflexion. Then, why shall we not focus on the “human right country” and the “Latin district of Africa” to understand in which extent fundamental human rights regarding employment are respected everywhere. Does the “mimicry legal” issue generate difficulties in Africa workers' collective liberties and freedom field and more specifically in Benin? What about fundamental human rights regarding employment in ex Dahomey? That comparative study on worker's collective liberties will make an attempt to answer.

Ce travail propose une étude du caractère «libéral» et «national» accordé à Jean-Marie Mastaï Ferretti, le pape Pie IX, pendant ses premières trois années de pontificat. Par les biais d'une documentation hétérogène (sources d'archives, pamphlets, tracts, journaux, lithographies populaires, correspondances privées, mémoires et journaux intimes), l'étude fournit une reconstruction de la naissance de ce caractère avec l'amnistie pontificale de 1846; de ses métamorphoses complexes qui croisent la politique papale, le statut des images et des dévotions aux XIX siècle et la propagande politique et religieuse, aussi que l'imagerie du complot; et de sa partielle dissolution après les révolutions de 1848. L'enquête, tout en se confrontant avec le concept de «mythe» – outil avec lequel le phénomène a été souvent interprété – procède par une mise en question de cette catégorie et parvient à la remplacer par le concept plus opératoire d'«investissement émotif»: la figure d'un pape «libéral» et «national» serait alors le produit d'un travail culturel collectif – auquel Pie IX lui-même n'a pas été étranger – qui relève des préoccupations théologico-politiques de la société post-révolutionnaire européenne: résoudre les dilemmes de l'époque, en conciliant des concepts logiquement (et apparemment) incompatibles comme liberté et ordre, nationalité et théologie catholique. La méthode choisie est celle de l'histoire comparée: il s'agit en effet de reconstruire un contexte pluriel, relevant d'un entrelacement de sources, de deux côté des Alpes, afin de parvenir à une connaissance plus pointue d'une grande utopie vécue à la moitié du XIX siècle. / This dissertation offers a study of the «liberal» and «national» nature attributed to John-Mary Mastai Ferretti, the pope Pius IX, during his first three years of pontificate. Exploiting an heterogeneous mass of sources (archival items, typing and handwritten papers, pamphlets, posters, newspapers, popular engravings and etchings, private letters, journals), this study retraces the origins of the phenomenon since the papal amnisty of 1846; its mixed transformations which come across papal policy, the status of images and devotional practices in 19th century, political as well as religious propaganda, and conspiracy theory besides; finally, its partial dissolution after the revolutions of 1848. Facing the concept of «myth» – a tool uncritically used for a long time to interpret the phenomenon –this study proceeds on questioning this category and it attains to the most operational concept of «emotional investment»: hence the figure of a «liberal» and «national» pope would be the product of a collective work – to whom Pius himself was not extraneous – which was a matter for the theologico-political worries of post-revolutional european society: namely to solve the religious and political dylemmas of modern age, in order to appeasing some ideas which are not logically (and apparently) compatible, such as freedom and order, nationalism and catholic theology. The method choised to investigate this phenomenon is the comparative one: in retracing a plural context (that is a network of sources) between the two sides of Alps, it will be possible to have a more deep knowledge of a great living utopia in the middle of 19th century.

Currently, Title II of the Uniting and Strengthening America by Providing Appropriate Tools Required to Intercept and Obstruct Terrorism (USA PATRIOT Act) Act of 2001 appears to be stalled as a result of controversy over the intent and meaning of the law. Proponents of the title advocate the necessity of the act to combat modern terrorism, whereas opponents warn of circumventions of the Fourth Amendment of the U.S. Constitution. Using punctuated equilibrium as the theoretical foundation, the purpose of this case study was to explore the dialogue and legal exchanges between the American Civil Liberties Union and the Department of Justice related to the National Security Agency's metadata collection program. In specific, the study sought to explore the nature of resistance to changes needed to mollify the controversies associated with Title II. Data for this study were acquired through publicly available documents and artifacts including transcripts of Congressional hearings, legal documents, and briefing statements from the US Department of Justice and the American Civil Liberties Union. These data were deductively coded according to the elements of PET and then subjected to thematic analysis. Findings indicate that supporters and opponents of the law are locked in a consistent ideological polarization, with supporters of the law touting the necessity of the authorizations in combatting terrorism and opponents arguing the law violates civil liberties. Neither side of the debate displayed a willingness to compromise or acknowledge the legitimacy of the other viewpoint. Legislators who accept the legitimacy of both researched viewpoints could create positive social change by refining the law to meet national security needs while preserving constitutional protections.

This research examines the political implications of the Millennial generation on American politics by exploring the interaction of generational cohort with race, social issues, and civil liberties. Relying on the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey and the 2018 General Social Survey, I examine (1) Millennial attitudes toward race and ethnicity by looking specifically at racial linked fate, (2) how Millennials interact with race and evangelical Christianity and how this interaction influences social policy preferences, and (3) how generational factors influence Millennial attitudes toward American civil liberties. I find that there are measurable effects of generational cohorts on the predicted value of Linked Fate for racial minority groups in the United States. My results suggest that Millennials are significantly more likely to have higher levels of linked fate for Latino and Asian Americans. However, I do not find sufficient evidence to suggest that African Americans' level of linked fate is affected either positively or negatively for Millennials. Second, for the investigation on social policy, the results suggest that those who sit at the intersection of the three groups- the Latino-Millennial evangelicals- hold policy preferences that contrast from those who are solely either Latino, Millennial, or evangelical. Latino-Millennial evangelicals are significantly more likely to hold liberal policy preferences on issues of climate change but more conservative attitudes on aid to the poor. Lastly, on issues of American civil liberties, the results indicate that Millennials are far more likely to support free speech (even for controversial actors), than both the Boomer generation and Generation X. Millennials are also more likely to oppose governmental intervention in religion and are significantly more likely to support abortion rights for women.

<p>In the debate generated by the authorization and reauthorization of the Patriot act we can find a wide range of opinions and ideas concerning the balance of freedom and security, and how that might affect the society. The government (the creators of the law) advocates the necessity of the Patriot act and its structural changes to secure the freedoms of USA. While opposing views suggest that these changes affect the balance of freedom and security in such a way that it might affect the way of life and be a threat to the civil liberties of the citizens. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the debate reflects how the Patriot act may have affected the balance between the various practices of freedoms and national security in USA.</p><p>This thesis investigates three aspects of the debate that concerns the Patriot act. The rhetoric’s used in the debate by both sides show some difference in the rationales of the debating sides. Some controversial aspects of the law undermine the safeguards that are suppose to protect the civil liberties and freedoms when their definitions are opened up for a wide arrange of interpretations. The third part of the thesis investigates the big brother mentality that is being fostered and culture of preparedness of all the nation’s dimensions and systems that is asked for in order to adapt to these systematic changes of their society that the law provides.</p><p>The investigation of the debate conclude that state apparatus takes on a role of coordinative micromanaging, which together with the culture of preparedness fosters the nation to always be on its toes. As a result of these changes the practices of freedom and the democratic values they nourish are being destabilized and undermined in the climate of fear that is being established.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Open University.

In this paper I will offer an overview the evolution of civil liberties in the United States. These liberties, I argue, were meant to protect individuals from unwarranted exercises of power from the government, but ultimately were not intended to hamper the government’s ability to carry out basic government functions, such as self defense. Next, I examine the parallel evolution of the ability of the executive to exercise broad ranging powers in pursuit of foreign policy, especially in regard to self defense. After that I argue that the current policy not necessarily represent the administration choosing self defense over an individual’s civil liberties. Rather, it represents the notion that at a fundamental level, a state will always choose to pursue foreign policies designed to protect itself, and that even the domestic legal institutions that have evolved in the United States recognize that fact. / text

In Law of Peoples Rawls tries to work out a theory that will ensure a fair interaction between the world’s ‘peoples’ (synonymous with “nations”). By this he means a description of international rules that both liberal and non-liberal peoples can accept, with the purpose of eradicating political injustices in the world; which Rawls believes is the big cause of the greatest evils in the world. Furthermore, in his theory, Rawls envisions a set of international institutions (WTO, World Bank and “the UN”) that will work as the basic structure for implementing this scheme of law; global rules of trade; providing loans; facilitation of capital investment, etc. However, the theory lacks a description of which political liberties the peoples would want to secure, within the international institutions, and of what principles of distribution they should be assigned. Accordingly, I will in this essay try to establish which rights the peoples—as Rawls envisions them—would want to secure, and why they would want to be viewed as equal to everybody else, by reasons of the institutions profound and pervasive effect on peoples success. Furthermore, I will contend that this equality in political liberties, and especially the ‘principle of equal participation’, will be impaired by the inequalities in resources that Rawls accepts between the peoples. Consequently, an issue of how wealthier peoples will use their power to promote their self-interest, and the lack of belief that constitutional safeguards, within the international institutions, will constrain them from using means of agitation.