Figure classique dans l’univers juridique, l’opposabilité a peu à peu gagné le champ des droits et libertés. Inscrit dans le discours du droit positif, le concept a par la suite suscité un engouement doctrinal, de sorte qu’il s’est trouvé enserré dans un magma hétérogène de discours juridiques générés par une pluralité d’acteurs. Une approche analytique et critique de ces discours a été déployée en vue d’une clarification et in fine d’une meilleure compréhension de la matière des droits et libertés. La recherche a permis de jeter de la lumière sur la confusion sémantique qui caractérise le concept. En tant que figure conceptuelle, l’opposabilité admet une variation de significations qui l’associent à des idées plurielles. En tant que qualificatif rapporté soit aux droits et libertés eux-mêmes, soit à des catégories doctrinales par référence auxquelles leurs effets sont appréhendés et pensés, l’opposabilité devient floue par l’ambiguïté des objets auxquels elle est associée. Mais la recherche a pu également expliquer le caractère opératoire de cette figure pour les différents acteurs qui la mobilisent. Au regard des acteurs du droit, cette utilité se comprend au regard des difficultés que suscite l’appréhension des évolutions de la matière. Son caractère opératoire a pu être spécialement mis en exergue par rapport aux interactions entre ces acteurs et les stratégies de chacun pour la transformation du droit en vigueur. Au regard de la science du droit, sa valeur instrumentale a été relativisée vis-à-vis d’autres instruments conceptuels par la démonstration des vertus de la garantie d’une économie conceptuelle. / Classic figure in the legal world, opposability has gradually gained the field of rights and liberties. Inscribed in the discourse of positive law, it had been placed in a heterogeneous magma legal discourse generated by a plurality of actors. An analytical and critical approach of these speeches was deployed for a clarification and, ultimately, a better understanding of the subject of rights and liberties. The research has clarified the semantic confusion that characterizes the word. As a conceptual figure, opposability experiences variations of meanings that associate it with a plural ideas. As qualifying adjective reported from the rights and liberties ilselves, either doctrinal categories by reference to which their effects are apprehended and thought, opposability becomes blurred by the ambiguity of the objects to which it is associated. But research has also been able to explain the operational nature of this figure for the different actors who mobilize. In view of actors law, this utility is understood in relation to difficulties arising from the apprehension of developments in the matter. Its operational nature has been especially highlighted in relation to interactions between these actors and strategies for each of the transformation of the law. In view of the science of law, its instrumental value was relativized vis-à-vis other conceptual tools by demonstrating the virtues of the guarantee of a conceptual economy.

O campo brasileiro tem passado por importantes transformações geradoras de conseqüências para o funcionamento das atividades desenvolvidas. No primeiro capítulo, discutimos a possibilidade de um irreversível processo de urbanização do campo devido à chegada de atividades não agrícolas e à pluriatividade, além das teorias que defendem a manutenção do rural e divergem apenas sobre o protagonista destas transformações, o ambiente rural ou o urbano. No segundo capítulo, recuperamos o uso do termo agricultura familiar na academia e discutimos sua atual importância no estudo acadêmico e principal foco de políticas públicas na década de 1990, com destaque para o PRONAF. Mesmo sendo alvo principal das políticas públicas e de estudos acadêmicos, a agricultura familiar experimenta profundas variações de acordo com a realidade na qual se insere, justificando as análises numa escala local, como a que realizamos no terceiro capítulo. No município de Sumidouro/RJ, as características da agricultura familiar e do campo em geral expressam heterogeneidade, pois distintas territorialidades atuam, sendo o pequeno produtor familiar o elo mais vulnerável nesse processo. A possibilidade de diminuir a sujeição destes trabalhadores ao jogo de poder em que estão inseridos surge na necessidade de se ampliar seus leques de oportunidades e liberdades a partir de uma abordagem territorial. / The Brazilian countryside has passed for important transformations which generate consequences to the functioning of the activities until developed in it. In the first chapter the paper argues the possibility of a irreversible process of urbanization of the Countryside because activities not agriculturists and the pluriactivity, beyond the theories that defend the maintenance of the rural areas and disagree only on the protagonist of these transformations, the agriculture environment or the urban one. In chapter two this research made a recovery to the use of the term familiar agriculture in the academy and argue its current importance in the academic study and as main focus of public politics in the decade of 1990, with prominence for the PRONAF. However, besides being main target of the public politics and academic studies, family agriculture tries deep variations in accordance with the reality in which it inserts, justifying the analyses in a local scale, as the one that the research does in the third chapter. In the city of Sumidouro/RJ, the characteristics of familiar agriculture and the Countryside in general express this heterogeneity, therefore distinct territorialities act in this territory and the the small familiar producer is the most vulnerable link of these disputes. The possibility to minimize the subjection of these workers to the power game where they are inserted appears in the necessity of extending its fans of chances and freedoms from a territorial boarding.

O campo brasileiro tem passado por importantes transformações geradoras de conseqüências para o funcionamento das atividades desenvolvidas. No primeiro capítulo, discutimos a possibilidade de um irreversível processo de urbanização do campo devido à chegada de atividades não agrícolas e à pluriatividade, além das teorias que defendem a manutenção do rural e divergem apenas sobre o protagonista destas transformações, o ambiente rural ou o urbano. No segundo capítulo, recuperamos o uso do termo agricultura familiar na academia e discutimos sua atual importância no estudo acadêmico e principal foco de políticas públicas na década de 1990, com destaque para o PRONAF. Mesmo sendo alvo principal das políticas públicas e de estudos acadêmicos, a agricultura familiar experimenta profundas variações de acordo com a realidade na qual se insere, justificando as análises numa escala local, como a que realizamos no terceiro capítulo. No município de Sumidouro/RJ, as características da agricultura familiar e do campo em geral expressam heterogeneidade, pois distintas territorialidades atuam, sendo o pequeno produtor familiar o elo mais vulnerável nesse processo. A possibilidade de diminuir a sujeição destes trabalhadores ao jogo de poder em que estão inseridos surge na necessidade de se ampliar seus leques de oportunidades e liberdades a partir de uma abordagem territorial. / The Brazilian countryside has passed for important transformations which generate consequences to the functioning of the activities until developed in it. In the first chapter the paper argues the possibility of a irreversible process of urbanization of the Countryside because activities not agriculturists and the pluriactivity, beyond the theories that defend the maintenance of the rural areas and disagree only on the protagonist of these transformations, the agriculture environment or the urban one. In chapter two this research made a recovery to the use of the term familiar agriculture in the academy and argue its current importance in the academic study and as main focus of public politics in the decade of 1990, with prominence for the PRONAF. However, besides being main target of the public politics and academic studies, family agriculture tries deep variations in accordance with the reality in which it inserts, justifying the analyses in a local scale, as the one that the research does in the third chapter. In the city of Sumidouro/RJ, the characteristics of familiar agriculture and the Countryside in general express this heterogeneity, therefore distinct territorialities act in this territory and the the small familiar producer is the most vulnerable link of these disputes. The possibility to minimize the subjection of these workers to the power game where they are inserted appears in the necessity of extending its fans of chances and freedoms from a territorial boarding.

In the debate generated by the authorization and reauthorization of the Patriot act we can find a wide range of opinions and ideas concerning the balance of freedom and security, and how that might affect the society. The government (the creators of the law) advocates the necessity of the Patriot act and its structural changes to secure the freedoms of USA. While opposing views suggest that these changes affect the balance of freedom and security in such a way that it might affect the way of life and be a threat to the civil liberties of the citizens. The aim of this thesis is to investigate how the debate reflects how the Patriot act may have affected the balance between the various practices of freedoms and national security in USA. This thesis investigates three aspects of the debate that concerns the Patriot act. The rhetoric’s used in the debate by both sides show some difference in the rationales of the debating sides. Some controversial aspects of the law undermine the safeguards that are suppose to protect the civil liberties and freedoms when their definitions are opened up for a wide arrange of interpretations. The third part of the thesis investigates the big brother mentality that is being fostered and culture of preparedness of all the nation’s dimensions and systems that is asked for in order to adapt to these systematic changes of their society that the law provides. The investigation of the debate conclude that state apparatus takes on a role of coordinative micromanaging, which together with the culture of preparedness fosters the nation to always be on its toes. As a result of these changes the practices of freedom and the democratic values they nourish are being destabilized and undermined in the climate of fear that is being established.

Le Second Empire a pour réputation d’être un régime politique ennemi des libertés. Pourtant, la constitution du 14 janvier 1852 reconnaît, confirme et garantit les principes de 1789 comme la base du droit public des Français. Elle crée même des mécanismes pour les protéger. Le régime louis-napoléonien, dès son texte fondateur, s’intéresse donc à la garantie des libertés. Cela fait-il du Second Empire un régime politique libéral ?Le règne de Napoléon III est coupé en deux périodes : l’autoritaire et la libérale. L’expression « Empire libéral » doit beaucoup au travail d’Émile Ollivier qui a cherché à réhabiliter, après 1870, son ralliement à l’Empire. Ainsi, quelle pertinence de qualifier de « libérale » la période s’étendant de 1860 à 1870 ou d’« autoritaire » celle s’étendant de 1852 à 1860 ?Fidèle aux idéaux de la Révolution de 1789, l’Empereur resta soucieux de maintenir le système traditionnel selon lequel la garantie des libertés relevait des missions de l’État, même s’il accepta, progressivement, de laisser à la société la capacité de garantir elle-même les libertés. Un changement de paradigme s’est donc opéré. De la protection des libertés par l’État, la doctrine libérale passa à la protection de la liberté sans l’État, voire contre lui. En fonction de la définition retenue, le Second Empire aurait donc toujours ou jamais été libéral. / The Second Empire has for reputation to be a political system, enemy of freedoms. Nevertheless, 1852-January 14th’s constitution recognizes, confirms and guarantees the 1789 principles as the basis of the public law of the French people. The constitution creates even mechanisms to protect people. The Louis-Napoleonic regime, from its founding text, is thus interested in the guarantee of freedoms. Does that make of Second Empire a liberal political system?The reign of Napoleon III is divided into two periods: the authoritarian and the liberal. The expression " Liberal Empire" owes a great deal to the work of Émile Ollivier, who seeked after 1870, to rehabilitate its rallying to the Empire. Consequently, what is the relevance of qualifying as "liberal" the period extending from 1860 till 1870 or as "authoritarian" the one extending from 1852 till 1860?Faithful to the 1789-French Revolution’s ideals, the Emperor remained aware of the need to maintain the traditional system, according to which the guarantee of freedoms was part of the State’s missions, even if he gradually accepted to leave these guarantees to the society itself. A change of paradigm thus took place. From the protection of the freedoms by the State, the liberal doctrine moved towards the protection of the freedom without the State, or even against it. According to the adopted definition, the Second Empire would thus have still or never been liberal.

What is the impact of disease burden on democracy in sub-Saharan Africa? Despite increasing interest in the implications of health crises for state stability, there has been a dearth of literature exploring the relationship between disease burden more generally and democracy specifically. This thesis takes a comprehensive approach to bridge this gap in the literature. Using quantitative and qualitative methods, it draws on data from the Global Burden of Disease database and the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) dataset to analyze this relationship. The diseases studied are categorized as long-wave (e.g., HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis), short-wave (e.g., Ebola and lower respiratory infections), or endemic (e.g., malaria and an aggregate of other infectious diseases). In terms of democracy, this thesis focuses on civil liberties and civil society. Having utilized a linear regression, controlling for economic variables, this study found a positive and significant relationship between long-wave diseases and both civil liberties and civil society; a negative and significant relationship between Ebola and both civil liberties and civil society; a positive and significant relationship between lower respiratory infections and both civil liberties and civil society; and, finally, a positive and significant relationship between the other infectious disease aggregate and civil society. Ultimately, there was no significant relationship between the other diseases studied and the democratic variables. By identifying past relationships between particular kinds of diseases and manifestations of democracy, we can establish a baseline from which to project our expectations about how emerging diseases like COVID-19 will impact the practice of democracy.

The primary purpose of the study was to measure the influence of high school social studies teachers upon the economic and civil liberties attitudes of their twelfth grade students. Additionally, peer group influence, and influences, related to the sex role and to social class were measured.

The competing values of national security and civil liberties have been contested as conflicting ideas during times of national emergencies and war, in which the canonical knowledge asserts that the temporary secession of civil liberties is sometimes necessary to protect national security. After the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack there has been increased pressure on the U.S. government to provide safety and security, which has required Americans to accept certain restrictions on their freedoms, leading to debates about whether liberty or security should be prioritized. The increasing popularization of securitization in post 9/11 discourse justified by a perpetual state of emergency via the War on Terror, has reinforced the racialization of reified "others," specifically Muslims or people who are perceived to be descendent from the Middle East. The conceptualization of Middle Easterners as 'terrorists' and 'threats' to be securitized has been constructed by political elites and media narratives to garner support for security measures leading to the diminished civil liberties of those stereotyped as "terrorists." Using the theoretical approach of racialized "othering" and the minority threat perception, this research seeks to analyze public opinion on counterterrorism policies when the race/ethnicity and ideological motivations of perpetrators in a hypothetical terrorist attack scenario are manipulated. To investigate this premise, an online survey experiment distributed through Amazon MTurk was conducted to gather public opinion data on counterterrorism policies. Regression analyses were conducted from the 314 respondents to evaluate support amongst various social groups for the counterterrorism policies and whether or not this support was affected by the presence of either American-born, White, men motivated by the teachings of far-right extremism or American-born, men of Middle Eastern descent motivated by the teachings of Islamic extremism. Respondents were asked to evaluate two counterterrorism policies, one that required ceding the civil liberties of the public at large, and the other required ceding the civil liberties of suspected terrorists specifically – which is also referred to as the 'punitive' policy throughout the research. Overall, respondents were more likely to support the policy requiring ceding civil liberties in general, than the punitive policy that would take away the civil liberties of suspected terrorist. When factoring in survey type, respondents in general were more likely to support the punitive policy when taking the White/Far-right extremism survey and were also the most likely to support the policy requiring the public to cede their civil liberties when taking the Middle Eastern/Islamic extremism survey. The willingness to cede civil liberties increased for Black and Asian respondents with the presence of the White/Far-right extremism survey, while willingness to cede civil liberties decreased for White respondents taking the same survey. In general, conservatives were more likely to cede their civil liberties than liberals, and liberals were more likely to view counterterrorism policies as ineffective. When accounting for the effects of survey type on ideology, the results show that conservatives were the least likely to cede their civil liberties when taking the White/Far-right extremism survey, while liberals were the most likely to cede their civil liberties when taking the Middle Eastern/Islamic extremism survey. / Master of Arts / This thesis explores the role of issue framing, and threat perception on terrorism and its effects on public perception of the liberty vs. security paradigm by way of support for counterterrorism policies. Specifically, this research aims to assess whether support for counterterrorism policies by social group (focusing on race and ideology) varies when the race/ethnicity and ideological motivations of the perpetrators are manipulated in a hypothetical terrorist attack scenario. In order to test this effect, a survey experiment was conducted to gather public opinion data on counterterrorism policies which emulated the liberty/security trade-offs within the Patriot Act. The survey was distributed through the online platform Amazon MTurk which garnered 314 responses. Regression analyses were conducted to evaluate support amongst various social groups for the counterterrorism policies and whether or not this support was affected by the presence of either American-born, White, men motivated by the teachings of far-right extremism or American-born, men of Middle Eastern descent motivated by the teachings of Islamic extremism. Using the theoretical approach of "othering" and the minority threat perception that contributes to desires for increased social controls and levels of punitiveness among the public, this research evaluates respondents' willingness to cede their own civil liberties as well as their support for punitive policies that take away the civil liberties of the perpetrators based on the survey/stimuli respondents received. Overall, respondents were more likely to support the policy requiring ceding civil liberties, than support the punitive policy that would take away the civil liberties of the perpetrators. When factoring in survey type, respondents in general were more likely to support the punitive policy when taking the White/Far-right extremism survey and were also the most likely to support the policy requiring the public to cede their civil liberties when taking the Middle Eastern/Islamic extremism survey. The willingness to cede civil liberties increased for Black and Asian respondents with the presence of the White/Far-right extremism survey, while the willingness to cede civil liberties decreased for White respondents with the presence of the White/Far-right extremism survey. In general, conservatives were more likely to cede their civil liberties than liberals, and liberals were more likely to view counterterrorism policies as ineffective. When accounting for the effects of survey type on ideology, the results show that conservatives were the least likely to cede their civil liberties when taking the White/Far-right extremism survey, while liberals were the most likely to cede their civil liberties when taking the Middle Eastern/Islamic extremism survey.

Longtemps, en matière de protection effective des droits et libertés fondamentaux des administrés, le juge administratif a été relégué au second plan, derrière son homologue judiciaire, en raison d’une inefficacité chronique de ses procédures d’urgence. Le législateur a cependant remédié à cette défaillance en créant, notamment, le référé-liberté dont l’objectif avoué était de faire du juge administratif un véritable juge des libertés, au même titre que le juge judiciaire de la voie de fait administrative. En dix années d’application, le juge administratif a su pleinement se saisir de l’opportunité qui lui a ainsi été donnée de concurrencer le juge judiciaire par une politique jurisprudentielle évolutive et constructive. Cette politique s’est traduite par une conception très extensive de la notion de « libertés fondamentales », et par l’avènement de véritables mesures injonctives au service de celles-ci. L’étendue des libertés jugées comme fondamentales et celle du degré de leur protection vont indéniablement dans le sens de l’accession du juge administratif des référés au rang de protecteur effectif des droits et libertés fondamentaux des administrés. / Regarding citizens’ effective protection in terms of fundamental rights and liberties, the administrative judge has, for a long time, been overshadowed by his judicial counterpart, because of a chronic ineffectiveness concerning urgency procedures. However, lawmakers have redressed that situation in particular by creating the “freedom summary procedure” which explicitly aimed at transforming the administrative judge into an actual custodial judge in the same way the judicial judge is for illegal administrative acts. In the ten years following that creation, the administrative judge has fully seized the opportunity to compete with the judicial judge thanks to a progressive and constructive judicial policy. This policy resulted in a significantly extended conception of the notion of “fundamental liberties” and in the appearance and development of injunctive actions to protect them. The range of liberties considered as fundamental as well as the consequent degree of their protection will undeniably serve the aim of a rise of the administrative judge to the rank of effective protector of the citizens’ fundamental rights and liberties.

This study explores the underlying causes and deterrent control mechanisms of police misconduct in the United States. Outcomes of causes and control mechanisms constitute the basis for an applicable model for the Turkish National Police (TNP). Why is some police behavior deviate? What are the main determinants of police misconduct? Is police misconduct a result of sociological behavior and subcultural development within police organizations or a psychological behavior as an outcome of officers' personal traits? What are the control mechanisms for police misconduct? What are their strengths and weaknesses? Do they deter or not? Is there a control mechanism that deters better than others? What is the best deterrence model for the TNP?