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Les libertés publiques ont toujours rencontré des obstacles affectant leur réel exercice en Tunisie. Les transitions démocratiques souvent invoquées par les dirigeants, se sont avérées des périodes au cours desquelles, cet exercice est le plus vulnérable. A chaque période, correspondent des priorités présentées par l’élite dirigeante pour justifier l’ajournement de l’exercice des libertés publiques. Les institutions politiques, l’organisation du pouvoir et le cadre normatif, ne permettent pas de dire qu’ils offrent un terrain favorable aux libertés publiques. Ces d.dernières, sont d’autant plus vulnérables, qu’elles évoluent dans un milieu politico-idéologique peu propice à leur épanouissement. Les affrontements entre les modernistes et les conservateurs, sont la plus part du temps résolus grâce au consensus, fruit d’une alliance entre la modernité et la tradition. Toujours est-il, à chaque ouverture d’une période transitoire, le débat se durcit et aussi la peur de perdre les acquis d’une Tunisie réformiste. / Civil liberties have always meet difficulties to their real exercise in Tunisia. Democratic transitions which are often put forward by political leaders reveal themselves as the most critical periods for freedoms exercise. During each period, priorities are invoked in order to justify delaying the freedom exercise. Political organization and legal rules does not allow affirming that they offer a favorable environment and conditions for freedom exercise. The civil liberties are evolving in a unfavorable ideological and politic context. Confrontations between modernists and conservatives are most of the time avoided by the resort to the agreement in order to reconcile tradition and modernity. Let us underline that at each opening of a transitional period that the debates get harder and the fear losing the rights collectively acquired grows.

The thesis analyses Turkey's and Russia's foreign relations with each other based on the theoretical premise that democratic peace can explain similar behaviour among authoritarian regimes as well. The thesis explores Russia's and Turkey's distinct forms or authoritarianism, before employing a detailed qualitative content analysis on official documents from Russia's and Turkey's presidents and foreign ministries. The readers will attain a broader understanding of democratic theory and the link between political regimes and peaceful relations. Keywords Democratic Theory; Russia; Turkey; Political Regime; Qualitative Content Analysis; MAXQDA

In this dissertation I advance a new, regime style, governing cycle theory to account for the constitutional origins and political dynamics of new majority formation. It is these periodic attempts to reorder politics and overcome conditions of entropy that I argue best account for the broad contours of American political development. Using a historical institutional approach, I argue that the U.S. Constitution’s durable separation of powers design interacts with America’s two party system to unintentionally structure political conflict in ways that makes it almost impossible for anyone to address the inevitable build up of entropy in the political system. Recurrently, this challenges partisan leaders to renew politics via the formation of a new governing majority. Partisan leaders accomplish this goal by completing three tasks: 1) shifting the main axis of partisan conflict; 2) assembling a new majority coalition that allows for effective control of federal governing institutions; and, 3) locking-in partisan priorities and advantage through institutionalization of a new governing regime. Through case study analysis, I demonstrate that the dynamics of new governing majority formation can play out in either a straightforward or a protracted manner depending on whether or not partisan leaders initially succeed or fail to accomplish these tasks. This leads to new interpretations of the crucial “System of 1896” and “Reagan Revolution” cases, which allows me to argue for the superiority of my new cyclical theory and to conclude that the governing cycle contains the American polity’s best opportunity to reorder and revitalize itself. / text

Politinės valdžios organizavimo būdas – politinė sistema – neapriboja politinės valdžios vykdymo būdo. Politinio režimo pasirinkimas valstybėje suponuoja pagrindinių režimo idėjų perkėlimą į teisinę sistemą ir teisės aktus, kuriais nustatomas režimo veikimas. Politinio režimo apibrėžimas ir nustatymas bei pritaikymas bet kokiai valstybei yra svarbus savaime reiškinys. Egzistuojančio režimo analizė gali padėti suprasti valstybėje vykstančius procesus ir įsigilinti į tai, kokiomis pagrindinėmis teisėmis disponuoja tiek valdžios vykdymo institucijos, tiek ir pagrindinė valstybės varomoji jėga – piliečiai. Tinkamai teorizuoti politinį režimą ir išanalizuoti jo veikimo būdus, nustatyti, kokiais teisės aktais režimas yra įgyvendinamas ir kokias pagrindines normas nustato – aktualu visais laikais. Todėl nagrinėjamos temos aktualumas pasireiškia per galiojančio politinio – teisinio režimo analizės svarbą istorinio formavimosi kontekste ir palyginimą su kardinaliai besiskiriančiais režimais kitose valstybėse. Temos objektas – politiniai teisiniai režimai, tikslas - išanalizuoti egzistuojančius politinius teisinius režimus. Darbo uždaviniai: išanalizuoti, susisteminti ir pateikti valstybinio valdymo formas; išanalizuoti ir susisteminti politinių režimų sampratą, pateikti jų diferencijacijas ir formas; atlikti du empirinius tyrimus: išanalizuoti politinio režimo kaitą Lietuvoje, lyginant XX amžiaus konstitucijų kaitą, bei palyginti trijų užsienio valstybių (JAV, Baltarusijos ir Š... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Political systems doesn‘t limit government enforcement mode. Adoption of political regime implies its implementation into legitimacy. Definition of political regime and its enforcement is a very important issue for every single state. The analysis of regime implied into legitimacy of particular state helps us understand political process and political ruling. The actuality of this theme mostly relies on the analysis of states’ political regime and its development through historical, political and national changes. Object of this work is political regimes, and its aim - to analyse political regimes that exists in world. Main tasks given – to analyse and systematically present main state governing forms, fully analyse concept of political regimes, to present its’ differentiations and forms, also – to provide two empirical research: to analyse the impact of development of political regime in Lithuania, analysing its Constitutions in XX century and to analyse three various political regimes – ones existing in USA, Belarus and North Korea. States might be divided into republics and monarchies. Republics – presidential (representative) or direct democracy. Analysing republics by constitutional approach it may be also divided into parliamentary or presidential governing forms. Though mixed forms also exists. States, relying on theoretical approach and governing form may be also distinguished: unitary, federation and confederation. The governing regime depends on constitutional... [to full text]

Les analyses sur la concentration des pouvoirs autour du président dans les systèmes politiques argentin et français, occupent une place importante dans les discours juridiques et politiques des dernières années. Or, malgré l'existence d'un constat similaire fait par les juristes et politologues argentins et français, il est possible de parler d'un manque de travaux comparatifs. En raison de cela et compte tenu d'une perception commune de l'existence d'une telle concentration des pouvoirs autour du président dans ces États ayant une structure constitutionnelle différente, l'application de la méthode comparative pourrait être à l'origine de l'élaboration de réponses intéressantes aux questions posées par chaque système politique. Elle pourrait éclairer le phénomène de présidentialisation, qui semble dépasser la dimension purement structurelle-constitutionnelle. Ainsi, la présidentialisation (soit à l'intérieur des pouvoirs exécutifs, soit dans les rapports entre pouvoir exécutif et pouvoir législatif) conduit à minimiser les différences parmi les structures constitutionnelles adoptées dans chaque État / Studies about presidentialization of Argentine and French political systems hold an important place in recent academic and political studies. However, despite such an acknowledgement, there are no comparative studies about Argentine and French experiences. The presence of a similar phenomenon in both countries –presidentialization- seems to prove that comparative method might offer interesting answers to questions posed by the presence of a similar concentration of power around presidents in countries whose constitutional structures differ. Thus, presidentialization appears to minimize the importance of such differences and takes into account the relevance of political systems

Este trabajo analiza el periodo 2000-2014, que comprende la caída del régimen fujimorista y el regreso de gobiernos democráticos al país. Esta periodización resulta importante para explicar el fenómeno de respuesta estatal frente a los conflictos sociales, en tanto, a partir del año 2000 y el regreso de gobiernos democráticos, la problemática comienza a tomar una posición en la agendaestatal y consecuentemente se empiezan a dar esfuerzos de presentar una estrategia de gestión y resolución de conflictos. El trabajo además propone una división de cuatro etapas de esta respuesta estatal. Estas etapas, que no corresponden ni a los periodos presidenciales ni a la denominación de las oficinas de resolución de conflictos, están definidas por factores que produjeron cambios significativos entre una etapa y otra. Asimismo, el texto explica cada uno de estos factores y en qué medida propiciaron estos cambios. La investigación recoge información de diversas fuentes, así como la recopilación de entrevistas a funcionarios que se desempeñaron a lo largo de este periodo,en cada una de las etapas. De esta manera podemos exponer la respuesta del Estado frente a los conflictos sociales, cuáles han sido y son las estrategias utilizadas para tratar la problemática, y sobre todo cuáles son los factores que generan un cambio en la función de gestión y resolución de conflictos.

The phenomenon of media trust has been on the agenda of researchers for a long time. Today, with the growing amount of information and sources of information in the era of post-truth, the issue of trust in the media is becoming even more relevant. The previous research in this regard was presented by case studies and comparative studies of democratic, most often European states and the USA. The goal of this study is to look at the phenomenon of trust in the media through the prism of political regimes, democratic and undemocratic. The study aims to answer two research questions: What is the relationship between trust in media and trust in social institutions in different regimes? What affects media trust in different regimes? The theoretical framework is built, first, on the individual-level characteristics of people and how they affect media trust. And second, on the institutional theories that claim that the system in which individuals live also affects their level of trust. The World Value Survey data is used in the analysis. There are several important findings that the research makes. There are no clear patterns regarding the variation of media trust depending on a political regime. Trust in media and trust in social institutions correlate in both regimes, but more strongly in non-democracies. The same individual-level characteristics affect trust differently depending on the regime. Out of all the macro-level variables only perception of corruption seems to influence media trust.

The purpose of this thesis is to analyze the Democratic People's Republic of Korea regime in the period 1970 - 1994 and to apply the results of the analysis on the Linz typology of non- democratic regimes. The first part focuses on a detailed characterization of three chosen types, namely totalitarian, sultanistic and post-totalitarian, on the searching for parallels and their comparsions. In the other two parts, the thesis focuses on certain aspects of the DPRK development that were chosen as the most appropriate regarding the typology. First, the period that followed after the fall of the Japanese protectorate,1945 to 1969, is analysed. In this period the regime start to establish its own new institutions. The next part examines the already established institutions in the period 1970 - 1994. All the results are then applied on the Linz typology.

of the Master thesis The thesis deals with relation of the constitutional framework (institutional architecture) and democratic consolidation. Institutional framework has undoubtedly an impact on the stability of a political system. A scholar debate of suitability of presidential form of government has been started by Linz and Valenzuela in the late 1980s. The political development of East European countries allows us to study relation of constitutional framework, certain forms of government and political stability (the core of the theoretical part of the thesis). Focusing on Central and East European political systems, the thesis tries to explore, how much the strengthened position of the president, disposing constitutional powers is conducive the systemic stability, instability respectively. The Moldovan case offers the possibility in the great extent; the system has undergone both the semi-presidentialism and parliamentarism, electing its president by using the popular as well as indirect vote. The position of the Moldovan president influences the stability of the political system to the certain extent. At the end, an alternative notion of the semi-presidentialism based on the principal-agent theory is developed.