O estudo de adesão a regimes internacionais se desenvolveu na década de 1990 e a partir de então seu crescimento se deu majoritariamente no campo empírico, principalmente nos estudos sobre regimes de direitos humanos. Para além dessa constatação, quanto mais o campo de estudo de adesão aos regimes internacionais amadurece, mais os estudos tendem a analisar os aspectos domésticos que levaram à adesão de uma norma internacional e quais as implicações políticas de seguir ou não um determinado regime. Tendo em vista esse panorama geral, esta dissertação de mestrado pretende analisar quais as circunstâncias político-sociais domésticas que levam um país a aderir um regime de direitos humanos, no período de 1966 a 2012. Para tanto, analisamos seis tratados internacionais: o Pacto Internacional dos Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais (1966), o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos (1966), a Convenção sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação contra a Mulher (1979), a Convenção contra a tortura e outros tratamentos ou penas cruéis, desumanos ou degradantes (1984) e a Convenção do Direito das Crianças (1989) e seu Protocolo Adicional (2000). Os resultados indicam que a variável que mais impacta a adesão é o tipo de regime político do Estado, as democracias tendem a aderir mais aos regimes internacionais de direitos humanos do que as autocracias. O que reforça a teoria da Paz Democrática, que investiga se há uma diferença no plano internacional entre o comportamento das democracias em relação às autocracias. / The studies of ratification to international regimes developed in the 1990s and since then its growth was mainly in the empirical field, especially in studies on human rights regimes. In addition to this observation, the more the study of membership to international regimes field matures, the more the studies tend to analyze the domestic aspects that led to the membership of an international norm and to understand the political implications to comply or not with a particular regime. Given this overall picture, this dissertation aims at examining the domestic political and social circumstances that lead a country to join a human rights regime, from 1966 to 2012. Therefore, six international treaties were analyzed: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984) and the Convention of the Rights of Children (1989) and its Additional Protocol (2000). The results indicate that the variable that most impacts the membership is the political regime of a state, democracies tend to adhere more to international human rights regimes than autocracies. This reinforces the theory of Democratic Peace, which investigates whether there is a difference at the international level between the behavior of democracies in relation to autocracies.

The problem of weak economic development in Nigeria despite a substantial inflow of revenues from oil exports especially from the early 1970s and other subsequent periods is an important issue to examine. This outcome presents a number of problems for any government regime in Nigeria seeking to provide solutions to enable the country to escape the adverse effects of natural resource wealth. At present, the Nigerian government is still struggling to find solutions to tackle the deteriorating state of affairs, particularly in terms of unemployment, rising food prices and internal security. The main aim of this study is to help understand the dynamic relationship between natural resource wealth and economic development. This research study analyses the trajectory of economic and political development in Nigeria over the period 1960 to 2010. This study employs historical political economy and empirical approaches in examining the relationship between oil wealth and economic development. This method distinguishes the study from others carried out in the literature, particularly from those on Nigeria where the common approach in this strand has been to examine the relationship using economic theories alone. The rationale for the approach employed in this study is that Nigeria has its own unique development in terms of politics, which has been influenced by the social structure and colonial history of the country and thus the impact of oil on economic growth should be investigated separately using a historical and empirical approach so as to capture time trend interactions between societal issues, politics and economic outcomes. First, this study examined the relationship between oil and economic performance using social, political and economic factors such as ethnic and regional differences, political instability, changes in ownership structure of the oil sector and government expenditure, which is largely financed by oil revenues. Next, the research empirically examined the impact of these factors on economic sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing. Afterwards, it analyses the impact of political and economic events in the preceding periods on the current or subsequent period that coincided with a return to democratic rule on major economic sectors. In general, the results show that the period, which marked a transition to a stable political regime, has no impact on economic performance from 1999 - 2010. Implicitly, this means that democracy in isolation is not a process that accompanies economic development and that a strong policy which could foster national unity and overcome regional and ethnic differences is needed. In order to promote sound economic development this policy should be dynamic, specific and directed to the promotion of a national agenda that will target and benefit important sectors such as agriculture and manufacturing through creating forward and backward linkages in a multiplier effect.

Cette thèse étudie les talk-shows, ces émissions sociopolitiques « dialogiques » qui ont marqué la scène médiatique et politique durant les dernières années du règne de Moubarak, jusqu’à la nouvelle donne politique post-juillet 2013. La question principale qui a guidé cette recherche était : dans quelle mesure les talk-shows ont-ils constitué une arène de parole dissidente ? La thèse démontre, à travers l’étude du processus qui a permis l’émergence de ces émissions, de leurs acteurs et de leurs modalités de fonctionnement, que ce dispositif s’est inscrit dans un espace public dessiné par des dynamiques particulières et caractérisé par un autoritarisme adaptif et libéralisé. Ce dispositif a également permis la manifestation de processus sociaux, notamment des mouvements d’opposition, en leur permettant de s’exprimer et de gagner en visibilité. Les talk-shows ont fait partie de différentes dynamiques politiques et les ont alimentées, défiant ainsi le pouvoir politique. Ils ont gagné des rôles et un espace de parole que le pays n’avait pas connu depuis 1952, dépassant leur fonction première qui était conçue par le pouvoir. Ce processus a pu avoir lieu malgré les outils de contrôle que le pouvoir a conservés pour garantir un minimum de mainmise sur les médias, élargissant ainsi les domaines de luttes et les espaces de contentieux. La thèse observe ensuite les dynamiques des révoltes de janvier 2011. Partant d’une approche interactionniste, d’un travail issu d’une enquête de terrain de plusieurs années, menée aussi bien auprès de professionnels de la télévision que d’invités de ces émissions et d’une analyse d’un corpus d’émissions, nous démontrons que le rôle des talk-shows fut incontournable dans le conflit médiatique doublant celui sur le terrain. / The subject of this thesis is the talk-shows, those socio-political tv shows that marked the media and political scene during the last years of Mubarak’s regime till the new political era post-July 2013. The main question that guided this research was: to what extent have the talk shows been an arena of dissident speech? The thesis demonstrates that this mechanism was a part of a public space designed by specific dynamics and branded by a liberalized and adaptive authoritarianism. It allowed the manifestation of social practices including counter movements endorsing them to express themselves and to gain visibility.Thus, through the study of the process that allowed the appearance of such shows, its actors and its operating methods, we observe how these broadcasts were a part of different political dynamics and served challenging the political power. They acquired roles and a freedom of expression that the country hadn’t experienced since 1952, exceeding their initial function as designed by the regime despite the means of control that the latter kept in order to maintain a minimum control on media and hence widening the fields of struggles and spaces of contentious. Then, the thesis studies the dynamics of January 2011 uprisings. Based on an interactionist approach and a work of several years field study of both television professionals and guests of these shows and an analysis of a record of broadcasts. We demonstrate that the talk-shows role was fundamental in the media conflict which doubled the conflict in the field.

O estudo de adesão a regimes internacionais se desenvolveu na década de 1990 e a partir de então seu crescimento se deu majoritariamente no campo empírico, principalmente nos estudos sobre regimes de direitos humanos. Para além dessa constatação, quanto mais o campo de estudo de adesão aos regimes internacionais amadurece, mais os estudos tendem a analisar os aspectos domésticos que levaram à adesão de uma norma internacional e quais as implicações políticas de seguir ou não um determinado regime. Tendo em vista esse panorama geral, esta dissertação de mestrado pretende analisar quais as circunstâncias político-sociais domésticas que levam um país a aderir um regime de direitos humanos, no período de 1966 a 2012. Para tanto, analisamos seis tratados internacionais: o Pacto Internacional dos Direitos Econômicos, Sociais e Culturais (1966), o Pacto Internacional de Direitos Civis e Políticos (1966), a Convenção sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação contra a Mulher (1979), a Convenção contra a tortura e outros tratamentos ou penas cruéis, desumanos ou degradantes (1984) e a Convenção do Direito das Crianças (1989) e seu Protocolo Adicional (2000). Os resultados indicam que a variável que mais impacta a adesão é o tipo de regime político do Estado, as democracias tendem a aderir mais aos regimes internacionais de direitos humanos do que as autocracias. O que reforça a teoria da Paz Democrática, que investiga se há uma diferença no plano internacional entre o comportamento das democracias em relação às autocracias. / The studies of ratification to international regimes developed in the 1990s and since then its growth was mainly in the empirical field, especially in studies on human rights regimes. In addition to this observation, the more the study of membership to international regimes field matures, the more the studies tend to analyze the domestic aspects that led to the membership of an international norm and to understand the political implications to comply or not with a particular regime. Given this overall picture, this dissertation aims at examining the domestic political and social circumstances that lead a country to join a human rights regime, from 1966 to 2012. Therefore, six international treaties were analyzed: the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (1966), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (1979), the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984) and the Convention of the Rights of Children (1989) and its Additional Protocol (2000). The results indicate that the variable that most impacts the membership is the political regime of a state, democracies tend to adhere more to international human rights regimes than autocracies. This reinforces the theory of Democratic Peace, which investigates whether there is a difference at the international level between the behavior of democracies in relation to autocracies.

Cette thèse se propose d’analyser le régime politique de la monnaie européenne. Ce concept fait référence aux manifestations du pouvoir au sein de la monnaie selon trois modalités, à savoir (i) la construction des règles d’émission, de circulation et de distribution, (ii) la réalisation des politiques budgétaires et économiques et (iii) la crise. Nous mobiliserons le cas de l’unification monétaire canadienne (1841-1867) afin de souligner les caractéristiques clés del’unification monétaire européenne et pour juger de la pertinence de notre concept. Les négociations intergouvernementales de 1989 à 1992 correspondent à un point temporel qui met en évidence les logiques de pouvoir entre les exécutifs français et allemand. Ces logiques ont déterminé la mobilité des biens, des services, des personnes et des capitaux (interne et externe), le régime de change (interne et externe), les objectifs et les missions de la banque centrale, l’existence ou non d’un Etat central, ses modalités d’endettement et la présence de transferts fiscaux qui se sont stabilisés dans un compromis socio-politique. Il en a découlé un cadre de politique budgétaire qui, par son interaction avec les caractéristiques précédentes, oblige les Etats membres à mettre en place des politiques économiques spécifiques. La désinflation compétitive et les politiques procycliques questionnent la reproduction de l’ordre économique, c’est-à-dire l’accumulation du capital qui permet une reconnaissance des dettes émises à la période précédente. Cette insoutenabilité du régime politique de la monnaie européenne a provoqué une crise, qui se résoudra selon le contexte institutionnel mis en place lors du compromis socio-politique. En raison de l’absence d’un Etat européen, il est impossible de modifier les caractéristiques de ce compromis, compromettant ce régime politique de la monnaie. / This dissertation intends to analyze the political regime of the European money. This concept refers to the expressions of power pertaining to money according to three modalities, namely (i) the construction of issue, circulation and distribution rules, (ii) the implementation of economic and fiscal policies and (iii) the crisis. The Canadian monetary unification (1841-1867) will serve as a case to show key characteristics in the European monetary unification and provide relevance to the proposed concept. Intergovernmental negotiations from 1989 to 1992 correspond to a period of time which highlights power relationships between the French and German executive. These relationships determined a set of parameters: exchange rate regime (external and internal), the regulation of capital and labour, product and services mobility (external and internal), the existence of a centralized State, indebtedness arrangements for States, central bank organization, and fiscal transfers which stabilized in a socio-political compromise. That resulted in a fiscal policy framework that, by its interaction with the previous parameters, require the State to establish specific economic policies. Competitive disinflation and procyclical policies interrogate the reproduction of economic order, which consists of capital accumulation to pay back debts issued in the previous period. This non-sustainability of the political regime of the European money provokes a crisis, which will be resolved according the institutional context built by the socio-political compromise. Due to the lack of a European State, modifying these compromise characteristics is almost impossible thus, jeopardizing this regime.

La participation populaire existe-elle dans un régime non démocratique comme la République populaire de Chine? Si la réponse est affirmative, comment la population chinoise participe-t-elle et quelle en est la portée? C'est en s'appuyant sur l'expérience de la ville de Guangzhou que la thèse entend répondre, concrètement à ces questions, en s'appuyant sur une méthode comparative: il s'agit d'observer les pratiques participatives chinoises en les confrontant à des expériences réalisées dans les pays occidentaux ainsi qu'aux éthiques et valeurs démocratiques libérales. À partir de différents angles d'observation - historique, juridique, politique et sociale- la recherche se propose de déterminer dans quelle mesure la nature d'un régime et son agencement institutionnel conditionnent, voire façonnent, le cadre, le contenu, les procédés et la portée de la participation populaire. Contrairement aux idées reçues, le Parti communiste chinois a toujours accordé une grande attention à la participation populaire: il se montre adaptatif et ouvert à l'évolution de la conjoncture sociale, ce qu'il manifeste par sa constance à conduire des innovations ou des réformes. Cette ouverture et ces adaptations s'avèrent cependant partielles: derrière elles, le pouvoir du Parti reste inchangé et intouchable; toutes les réformes engagées visent en fin de compte à défendre et à consolider tant l'autorité que l'influence du Parti. Il en va ainsi, de la mobilisation des masses à l'époque maoïste au court passage du grand débat sur " la pratique comme unique critère de la vérité", initié par Deng Xiaoping à son arrivée au sommet du pouvoir, jusqu'à la promotion de la "participation ordonnée", induite depuis les années 2000 par l'intensification des contestations sociales, et qui se traduit par la mise en place de plusieurs dispositifs destinés à l'expression directe des citoyens aux processus décisionnels: au lieu d'être un moyen de démocratisation, la participation apparait surtout comme un outil de renforcement du régime; elle est mise au service de la légitimation du pouvoir du Parti. Faute d'une volonté de redistribution ou de partage des pouvoirs entre l'Etat et la société, la portée de la participation populaire reste très limitée. / Can popular participation occur in an undemocratic regime like China? If the answer is affirmative, then how do the Chinese people participate and what are the significances of their participation? It is based on the experience of the city of Guangzhou that this thesis attempts to answer to these questions by a comparative approach: we try to observe the participative practices in China, and compare them with those conducted in the Western countries. We proceeded from different angles of view, namely historical, legal, political and social. Our research intends to determine to what extent the nature and institutional arrangements of a regime can condition or shape the content, processes and scope of its popular participation. Contrary to common belief, the Chinese Communist Party has always paid great attention to citizen participation: it shows itself to be open and adaptive to the changing social circumstances, and manifests a constant intention to drive innovations or reforms. However, this openness and these adaptations prove merely partial: behind them, the Party's power has remained unchanged and untouchable. All reforms are designed to ultimately defend and strengthen the authority and influence of the Party: from the mass mobilization in the Maoist era, followed by the short passage of the major debate on the “practice as the sole criterion of truth" initiated by Deng Xiaoping at the summit of his power, to the much more recent promotion of the "orderly participation", the latter induced by the intensification of social protests since the year 2000: Instead of being a mean of democratization, the popular participation of the nation appears primarily to be an instrument to strengthen the regime, being served in legitimizing the power of the Party. For as long as there exists this lack of a real will to redistribute power between the state and society, the scope of popular participation in China remains very limited.

The paper studies the relationship between governments and political parties in Peru from 1980 to 2011 Specifically, it aims to analyze the partisanship of government: the participation at government of the political organization with the one the president won the elections First, it orders the Peruvian governments around four types of partisanship: (i) the governing party, (ii) the government without a party (or government of the Messiah), and the coalition government in any of its two versions; that is (iii) the government of hegemonic coalition and (iv) the pluralist coalition government Second, it aims to explain the two types of partisanship found in this country: on one hand, hegemonic coalition governments such as Fernando Belaunde (19801985) and Alan Garcia (1985-1990), and on the other hand, the non-party governments like those of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) and Alan Garcia (20062011) To do this, it discards explanations focused on the type of political regime and those who focus solely on party institutionalization or only on personalism In contrast, it suggests that the combination of the last two factors explains the type of partisanship found in each case / El artículo estudia la relación entre los gobiernos y los partidos de gobierno en el Perú entre 1980 y 2011 Específicamente, se propone analizar el partidismo del gobierno: la participación en el gobierno de la organización política con la que el presidente ganó las elecciones En primer lugar, ordena los gobiernos peruanos alrededor de cuatro tipos de partidismo: (i) el gobierno de partido, (ii) el gobierno sin partido (o «gobierno del mesías»), y el gobierno de coalición en cualquiera de sus dos versiones; es decir, (iii) el gobierno de coalición hegemónica y (iv) el gobierno de coalición pluralista En segundo lugar, se propone explicar los dos tipos de par- tidismo encontrados en el país: por un lado, los gobiernos de coalición hegemónica como los de Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) y Alan García (1985-1990) y, por otro lado, los gobiernos sin partido como los de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) y Alan García (2006-2011) Para ello, descarta explicaciones enfocadas en el tipo de régimen político y aquellas que se centran únicamente en la institucionalización partidaria o únicamente en el personalismo Por el contrario, propone que la combinación de los últimos dos factores explica el tipo de partidismo encontrado en cada caso / O artigo estuda a relação entre os governos e os partidos de governo no Peru entre 1980 e 2011Especificamente, este artigo propõe analisar o partidismo do governo: a participação no governo da organização política com ao que presidente ganhou as eleições No primeiro lugar, ordena os governos peruanos ao redor de quatro tipos de partidismo: (i) o governo do partido, (ii) o governo sem partido («governo do messias»), e o governo de coligação em suas dois versões; que podem ser (iii) o governo de coligação hegemônica e (iv) o governo de coligação pluralista No segundo lugar, este artigo propõe explicar os dois tipos de partidismo encontrados no país: os governos de coligação hegemônica como o governo Fernando Belaúnde (1980-1985) e o governo do Alan Garcia (1985-1990) e, por outro lado, os governos sem partido como o governo de Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), o governo do Alejandro Toledo (2001-2006) e Alan García (2006-2011) Para isso, descarta as explicações centralizadas no tipo de regime político e aqueles que só centralizam na institucionalização partidária ou só no personalismo Pelo contrario, este artigo propõe que a mistura dos últimos dois fatores explicam o tipo de partidismo encontrado em cada caso

L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone vit des phases de transition entre des «formes politiques» de parti unique ou de démocratie limitée vers des «formes politiques» de pluripartisme ou de démocratie. Il ressort de l’observation de ces transitions que les régimes politiques, entendus ici comme formes de séparation des pouvoirs, utilisés lors de ces transitions adoptent les mêmes caractéristiques. La fonction du régime de transition, qui est de permettre la libéralisation des institutions politiques de l’État, est facilitée par l’adoption d’une forme parlementaire de régime. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie révèle que si tous ces régimes adoptent les caractéristiques «externes» du régime parlementaire, «la forme politique» n’est pas la même. Dans un cas, elle traduit une forte concentration du pouvoir dans le corps du Chef de l’État, quand dans l’autre, elle est se répartit entre les organes du régime. Aussi, il n’y a pas, de régime de transition, mais plutôt un «modèle constitutionnel» de la période qui reprend partout les mêmes éléments, sans en tirer les mêmes conséquences. / Sub-Saharan Africa has been known for going through transitional phases from one-party state dictatorship or limited democracy to a multi-party system or a real democracy. Observing these transitions highlights the fact that the same type of regimes is used during the process. At first, it can be said that transitions are made by a parliamentary system. Adopting this specific form of regime enhances the aim of the transitional regime, which lies into liberalizing the political institutions of the country. Nevertheless, a more profound study reveals that if all those regimes may have the external criteria of a parliamentary system, it's not the same regime per se. In one case, most of the power remains in the hand of the head of State while in the other, it's a shared power. Thus, there is no transitional regime but what can be described as a "constitutional model" of the transition that uses the same organs but with a different distribution of power between them.

This thesis will deal with analysis of the political regime in Russia. Its main aim becomes the attempt to show if there are differences between what is given by the Constitution, and the real functioning in the country. For starters, describe the institutional development of Russia after 1989. The reader can see how changing the distribution of power and appearring the party pluralism. Further attention will be paid to the issue of the Constitution itself, and do what the amendment brought about: the introduction of a bicameral parliament, Head of State etc. Following an examination of the constitutional rules in terms of the powers of the President, we will conclude whether the Russian Federation is actually a semi- presidential system or not. Additional space will involve the existence of parliamentarism in the country. Briefly dismantled election procedures: both parliamentary and presidential. According to available information on the electoral system and the results of the elections, we will understand why the Russian party system looks the way it looks. The political role of the main party "United Russia" will be also considered. Subsequently space thesis will be devoted to the phenomenon of the opposition. If there is real, and if so, how strong role in the whole system plays deduce from relevant...

This diploma thesis addresses the issue of assassination as a potential tool of political struggle, focusing on the assassination of senior state officials as a way to change the political regime. In the theoretical part the thesis deals with the theoretical topics such as: regime change, political violence, anarchism. The practical part focuses on three specific cases of assassinations in the history of modern political regimes during the 19th and 20th century. Selected leaders who have been attacked are represented by Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov Lenin, Adolf Hitler and John Fitzgerald Kennedy. Was it possible by using assassination as a method of political struggle to overthrow the regime, that each of these leaders represent? Through above mentioned cases in this diploma thesis we can also observe the role of the individual in the political system, not only in terms of the state leader as a representative of the political regime, but also in terms of individuals, who have decided to change the regime by their act.