We present a theory that addresses the question of why autocracies with a regime legitimation which ties the destiny of the members of the ruling elite, namely the nobility or ideocratic elite, to the survival of the autocracy, namely (ruling) monarchies and communist ideocracies, are more durable than other kinds of autocracies. Using logistic regression analysis and event history analysis on a dataset on autocratic regimes in the period 1946 to 2009, we are able to show that ruling monarchies and communist ideocracies are indeed the most durable autocratic regime types.

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

La Constitution de la Roumanie de 1991, élaborée au début d’une période detransition d’un système totalitaire à un système démocratique, a inévitablement dû êtrerévisée. Si elle a défini un cadre juridique démocratique contribuant à la réinstauration et à lastructuration de la démocratie, la révision constitutionnelle intervient dans un cadre deconsolidation démocratique, avec un objectif principal : l’intégration de la Roumanie dans lesstructures euro-Atlantiques.Toutes les modifications apportées par la loi de révision pourraient être interprétées etjustifiées par cet objectif principal, compte tenu du lien entre la dynamique démocratisante etl’intégration dans les structures euro-Atlantiques.Trois finalités du processus de révision se dégagent dans ce contexte : l’institution desfondements constitutionnels de l’intégration euro-Atlantique et de ses effets, l’élargissementdes garanties constitutionnelles et institutionnelles des droits et des libertés fondamentaux etl’optimisation du processus décisionnel. Si les modifications présentées dans la premièrepartie sont directement liées à l’adhésion à l’Union Européenne et à l’OTAN, indispensables,les modifications répondant aux deux autres finalités sont d’influence ou d’inspirationeuropéenne, contribuant à la consolidation de la démocratie. / The Romanian Constitution of 1991, elaborated at the beginning of a period oftransition from a totalitarian system to a democratic one, needs undoubtedly to be revised. Ifthe Constitution defined a juridical democratic frame that contributed to the democraticrevival and settlement the revision of the Constitution responds to a period of democraticconsolidation related to a main objective: the integration in the European and North Atlanticstructures.All the modifications to the law brought on by the revision could be interpreted anddefended in relation to this main objective taking into account the relation between thedynamic of the democratization process and the integration in the European and NorthAtlantic structures.This revision process of the Romanian Constitution has three motivations related directlyto this context: the introduction of constitutional fundaments for the integration into theEuropean and North Atlantic structures and consequences of that integration, broadening theconstitutional and institutional warranties for fundamental rights and liberties and finally, theoptimization of the decision making process. If the revisions introduced in the first part weredirectly connected to the accession into the European Union and NATO, and thus essential,the revisions responding to the two other ends were influenced or based on a European modeland contributed directly to the strengthening of the young Romanian democracy.

Cette thèse porte sur les conflits entre centres et périphéries à l’intérieur des pays. Ces dernières années, de nombreux États ont vu l'émergence de régions ou territoires qui défient leurs «centres» politiques. Ces disputes peuvent atteindre divers degrés d'affrontement, en allant des simples divisions électorales à la sécession d'une périphérie rebelle. Pourquoi certaines régions défient-elles ouvertement leur centre, tandis que d'autres ne le font pas? Dans quelles conditions les différences entre le centre et les périphéries sont-elles maîtrisées et circonscrites, et quelles sont celles qui les exacerbent? La thèse cherche à répondre à ces questions en analysant les cas de la Bolivie et du Pérou. En Bolivie, pendant les années 2000, le conflit régional a donné lieu à un clivage entre centre et périphérie; au Pérou, malgré les similitudes avec la Bolivie, un clivage similaire ne s’est pas déployé. Pourquoi cette différence? La thèse répond à la question par une analyse historique comparée. Elle suggère que les conflits entre le centre et les périphéries doivent s’analyser à partir de la combinaison de deux dimensions. La première est l’absence ou la présence d’élites régionales qui, à partir d'organisations et de mises en discours qu'elles rendent légitimes, définissent et représentent les revendications de la région et négocient avec l'État central. La deuxième dimension renvoie aux conditions structurelles de la région, en particulier l'importance des ressources naturelles et la taille de sa population. La thèse développe une analyse historique de la façon dont les deux dimensions ont évolué en Bolivie et au Pérou au cours de la seconde moitié du XX siècle. Cette analyse permet d’expliquer la divergence entre les résultats dans chacun des cas, et de suggérer des réflexions plus générales sur les relations entre les centres et les périphéries. / This dissertation deals with conflicts between centers and regional peripheries within countries. In recent years, many states have witnessed the emergence of territories or regions that challenge their political centers.These disputes range from mere electoral differences to the secession of an indomitable territory. Why do some peripheral areas openly defy their centers while others do not exhibit similar rebellion? What conditions temper the differences between centers and peripheries and what conditions exacerbate them? The dissertation seeks to answer these questions by analyzing the cases of Bolivia and Peru. In Bolivia, during the decade of the 2000s, the conflict between center and periphery escalated into a political cleavage; in Peru, however, despite similarities with Bolivia, a similar cleavage has not emerged.The dissertation seeks to explain these divergent outcomes from a comparative historical analysis and proposes that conflicts between centers and peripheries should be studied using two analytical dimensions. The first dimension is the presence or absence of a regional elite that could shape legitimate political organizations and discourses, articulating regional demands and bargaining with the central state. The second assesses the region’s structural conditions, specifically the relevance of natural resources and the size of its population. The dissertation explores how these two dimensions changed during the second half of the twentieth century in Bolivia and Peru. The historical analysis helps to explain the divergent trajectories of the two countries as it puts forward some general ideas about the relationship between centers and peripheries. / Esta tesis se ocupa de los conflictos entre centros y periferias al interior de los países. En los últimos años muchos Estados han visto emerger regiones o territorios que desafían a su “centro” político. Estas disputas pueden adquirir distintos grados de enfrentamiento, desde las meras diferencias electorales a la secesión de una periferia irredenta. ¿Por qué algunas periferias desafían abiertamente a sus centros mientras que otras no exhiben una rebeldía similar? ¿Qué condiciones atemperan las diferencias entre centros y periferias y cuáles las exacerban? La tesis busca responder a estas preguntas analizando los casos de Bolivia y Perú. En Bolivia durante los años 2000 el conflicto entre centro y periferia escaló hasta convertirse en un cleavage centro-periferia; en el Perú, en cambio, a pesar de las similitudes con Bolivia, no se ha desplegado un cleavage similar. ¿A qué se debe esta diferencia? La tesis responde a la pregunta desde un análisis histórico comparado y propone que los conflictos entre centros y periferias deben observase desde la confluencia de dos dimensiones. En primer lugar, la presencia o ausencia de elites regionales que puedan dar forma a unos discursos y organizaciones legítimas que den vida a las reivindicaciones de la región y que las negocien con el Estado central. En segundo lugar, las condiciones estructurales que posee la región; esto es, la importancia de sus recursos naturales así como las dimensiones de su población. La tesis hace un rastreo histórico de la forma en que ambas dimensiones se alteraron durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX en Bolivia y Perú. Este análisis permite explicar los resultados divergentes en ambos países, así como sugerir algunas ideas generales sobre las relaciones entre centros y periferias.

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This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

Medieval philosophy in the Arabic world has sought to harmonize the Greek philosophic tradition with the Islamic religion. Many rulers, scholars and theologians were against this intellectual approach and defend the Islam from the philosophers. The position of philosophy and its followers in the Arabic realm was therefore uneasy. Many scholars had to hide their opinions between the lines and avoid to doing philosophy publicly. Alongside the unfriendly environment, the position of philosophy in the Arabic society was also determined by common notion of scholars, that the revealing of the philosophical thoughts can be harmful for uneducated citizen, as well as influenced by mysticism. The aim of this thesis is to summarize the main philosophical approaches responding to the problematic position of philosophy in the Arabic world. Crucial will be the philosophy of solitary by Ibn Bajja, where the author seeks to bond tight the philosopher's life with the city and thus present a new role of philosopher in the Arabic society. Keywords Ibn Bajja, Rule of the Solitary, Al-Farabi, Political Regime, Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, Plato, The Republic, political philosophy, mysticism, ethics, philosopher, virtue, city, weeds, knowledge, governance, happiness