This thesis is a multi-faceted engagement with the many events and people that came to be known as 'The Bluff Rock Massacre'. Employing a number of textual techniques it seeks to articulate the ways in which 'historical' events and particular places come to be lived out in subjects who are both past and present and in a constant state of becoming. The work employs official historical records, family histories, tourist leaflets, gossip, field notes and other texts to show the multiple ways in which an event both becomes and exceeds its invention. The thesis is concerned with the ways in which the non-Aboriginal can write Australian history after the many Aboriginal interventions into hegemonic history and the ongoing re-appraisal of 'What happened?' Simultaneously the writing is written on the terrain of post-identity politics and is both queered and performative. The work attempts a textual exposition of the questions - How does one write the past when it is also the present?; What is a postcolonial autobiography?; what is a postcolonial sexuality/textuality? - rather than answer them / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

The novel concerns the massacre of a small village in Viet Nam and its effects upon those involved, attempting to show that selfishness in men overrides any other concern, even during war.

Inaug. Diss.--Heidelberg, 1905. / Also published as pt. 1 of Die Publizistik der Bartholomäusnacht und Mornays Vindiciae contra Tyrannos.

The Mountain Meadows Massacre is widely considered to be the most violent and controversial event in Utah’s history. This qualitative study investigates how the massacre has been portrayed to Utah’s schoolchildren through the state’s history and social studies curricula, and why curricular narratives of the massacre have changed with time. The study presents a content analysis documenting changes in curricular narratives of the Mountain Meadows Massacre from the years 1908-2011. The content analysis also compares these narratives with four concurrent sources providing narratives of the massacre: (a) public monuments commemorating the massacre, (b) curricular narratives published by Utah’s dominant religious and cultural institution—The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS or Mormon Church), (c) Paiute Indian narratives of the massacre, and (d) scholarly histories. Using a continuum of Mormon/Paiute culpability as a frame of reference, this research employs literatures from the theory of ideology in curriculum, multicultural education theory, postcolonial theory, and Mormon historiography to provide critical analysis of changes in narratives of the massacre. Data drawn from this analysis are used to answer the following question: What factors have contributed to changes over time in how the Mountain Meadows Massacre has been portrayed in Utah’s public school curricula? The response to this question provides a basis for discussing and understanding the relationship between hegemony and curriculum in Utah society.

La déportation des Kurdes de 1836 à 1876 à l’époque l’Empire ottomanLa présente thèse a pour but de traiter l’ensemble des implications relatives au déclin de l’Empire ottoman et les efforts que la Porte a tenté pour s’en sortir. Nous étudierons les multiples facteurs de la centralisation et de la transformation de l’administration de l’Empire du XIXe siècle et après la déclaration du Tanzimat et le changement de politique vis-à-vis des Kurdes. Nous analyserons le statut des Emirs kurdes dans l’administration jusqu’à la politique de centralisation, et la politique de déportation et de sédantarisation des tribus kurdes y compris les Emirs Kurdes au début du XIXe siècle.L’autonomie des Emirs kurdes commença à disparaitre au début du XIXe siècle. La Porte souhaitait mettre fin à l’autonomie des Emirs qu’elle voulait soumettre à l’autorité du Sultan pour leur faire payer des impôts, y compris en soldats pour l’armée ottomane. Afin de les faire plier, Reşid Pacha fut nommé en 1833 et Hafiz Pacha lui succéda immédiatement après sa mort en 1836. Ce dernier réussira à battre Bedirkhan Bey en 1847 ce qui aboutira à l’abolition de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes en tant que Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık et ocaklık, entrainant la deuxième conquête du Kurdistan par la Porte et sa reconnaissance en tant que province ottomane en 1847. La création de la province du Kurdistan en 1847 fut suivie de trois grands changements politiques de l’administration; la loi foncière en 1858, la régulation du statut des villes en 1864 et pour finir en 1867 à l’abolition de la province du Kurdistan. Tous ces changements au sein de l’Empire permirent de centraliser l’Etat.La déportation des Kurdes du XIXe siècle avait un aspect différent des précédentes. À partir de cette époque, la politique de déportation tournait autour de quatre grands axes : tout d’abord : la déportation pour sédentariser les tribus nomades kurdes dans le but de prélever des impôts, deuxièmement : la déportation pour diviser et contrôler les Emirs ou Bey kurdes, troisièmement : la déportation des kurdes pour imposer l’ordre et installer la sécurité au Kurdistan et finalement : la déportation des kurdes pour les civiliser et les assimiler. C’est grâce à l’étude de nombreuses sources manuscrites ottomanes du XIXe siècle ainsi que des sources secondaires en turc, français ou anglais concernant la période que nous avons pu mettre en avant ce qui a généré la disparation de l’autonomie des Emirs kurdes et leur déportation au sein de l’Empire à partir du XIXe siècle. / The deportation of the Kurds from 1836 to 1876 at the time the Ottoman EmpireThe purpose of this thesis is to deal with all the implications of the decline of the Ottoman Empire and the efforts made by the Porte to get by. We will study the multiple factors of the centralization and transformation of the administration of the Empire of the nineteenth century and after the declaration of the Tanzimat, the change of policy regarding the Kurds. We shall analyze the position of the Kurdish Emirs in the administration until the policy of centralization and the policy of deportation and sedation of the Kurdish tribes, including the Emirs in the early nineteenth century.The autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs began to disappear at the beginning of the 19th century. The Porte wanted to put an end to the autonomy of the Emirs in order to submit to the authority of the Sultan to make them pay taxes, including by giving soldiers to the Ottoman army. In order to make them fold, Reşid Pacha was appointed in 1833 and Hafiz Pacha succeeded him immediately after his death in 1836. The latter succeeded in defeating Bedirkhan Bey in 1847 which lead to the abolition of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs as Hükümet, yurtluk-ocaklık and ocaklık, bringing about the second conquest of Kurdistan through the Porte and its recognition as an Ottoman province in 1847. The creation of the province of Kurdistan in 1847 was followed by three major political changes in the administration; the land law in 1858, the regulation of the status of cities in 1864, and finally, in 1867, the abolition of the province of Kurdistan. All these changes within the Empire made possible to centralize the State.The deportation of the Kurds of the nineteenth century had a different aspect from the preceding one. From then on, the policy of deportation revolved around four major axes: first, deportation to settle the nomadic Kurdish tribes for the purpose of levying taxes; secondly, deportation to divide and control the Emirs or Bey Kurds, thirdly: the deportation of the Kurds to impose order and install security in Kurdistan and Finally: the deportation of the Kurds to civilize and assimilate them.It is thanks to the study of numerous Ottoman manuscript sources of the nineteenth century as well as secondary sources in Turkish, French or English concerning the period that we were able to highlight what has generated the disruption of the autonomy of the Kurdish Emirs and their deportation within the Empire from the nineteenth century onwards.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Iwi Mina Onodera.pdf: 944234 bytes, checksum: ce8064493d85afddbdff6fc319ee77dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-10-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This project analyses the Carandiru Massacre and the historical context that involves the episode. Through evidences here pointed we show the problematic of the autocratical brazilian State and its repressive aparattus, which actuates in the coercion of civil and individual freedom by the use of Military Police, Government organs and its bureaucracy, or by its own social exclusion. We put in context the episode by showing the historical of the brazilian institucional violence, the inoperable penal laws, the problematic of the State of Rights, the failure of the prison sytem and the frequent exposures of the organizations of Human Rights / Este trabalho analisa o Massacre do Carandiru e o contexto histórico que envolve o episódio. Por meio das evidências aqui apontadas mostramos a problemática do Estado autocrático brasileiro e de seu aparato repressivo, que atua na coação das liberdades civis e do indivíduo pelo uso da Polícia Militar, dos órgão de Governo e sua burocracia, ou da própria exclusão social. Contextualizamos o episódio ao mostrar o histórico da violência institucional brasileira, as inoperantes Leis Penais, a problemática do Estado de Direito, a falência do sistema prisional e as freqüentes denúncias das organizações de direitos humanos

Diss.--Fachbereich Geschichtswissenschaften--Freie Universität Berlin, 2001. / Bibliogr. p. 375-383. Index.

South Africa is in many ways a traumatised society and the Bulhoek Massacre of 24 May 1921 in which about two hundred people were killed in a matter of minutes was one such traumatising experience. What makes this massacre special is that the victims were a clearly identi~able christian grouping who dared to question and resist the overpowering might of the state by cleverly establishing an utopian community which lived in a new and resistant time, with counter values and an alternative lifestyle. One of the key ideas which shaped the establishment of this utopian commune by Enoch Josiah Mgijima on what was declared Crownland were this-worldly views of salvation and the destruction of the world. Mgijima offered people a practical and pragmatic way in which they would be saved from this impending destruction. A lot of water as gone under the bridge since that fateful morning in May 1921. This study investigates present views of salvation among the Israelites, the followers of Mgijima, and the role of the memory of Bulhoek Massacre in the construction of these soteriological notions. The thesis argues that inspite of the extreme trauma and apparent disconfirmation of the original vision and hope of a counter society, present views of salvation must stand in continuity with the hope and vision of those who fell in 1921. Furthermore, the thesis argues and demonstrates that though they seek to transcend the limits and constraints of the present commodified structuring of social and material relations, present views of salvation necessarily have their basis in the' material context of domination, thereby rendering the soteriology of the Israelites as a contextual soteriology. Using the methodological framework of depth hermeneutics the thesis probes and interprets the various reading methods and henneneutic strategies that the Israelites utilize in the construction of their soteriological notions. These methods and strategies are focused on all four ritual festivals of the Israelites, viz. pesach, the Fast of Esther, the commemoration service of the Bulhoek Massacre, and the commemoration of the life ofEnoch Mgijima These methods and strategies establish a dynamic and organic link between the two biblical festivals and the two Israelitic festivals across time and space, through a contextual appropriation of the two biblical festivals which have freedom as their key motif. What becomes clear through this appropnanon is that though the Israelites do not view themselves as a political movement per se, freedom from domination is key to their theological self-understanding and identity. The thesis demonstrates the manner in which the memory of the Bulhoek Massacre serves to facilitate the insurrection of the soteric knowledges which the perpetrators of the massacre sought to subjugate. What the study also reveals with respect to the Fast of Esther is that the narrative and interpretive strategies of Esther's soteric agency is determined not only by her identity as a woman in a kyriarchal context in Persian exile, but also by the gender-biased interpretative interests and commitments of the present Israelite readers. For this reason male Israelite define her soteric agency along domesticating, patriarchal and macho lines whereas the Israelite women are silent in respect of this and choose instead to underscore the spiritual depth of her soteric agency. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 1997.

Depuis les années 1980 le souvenir du massacre de Nankin refait surface en Chine. Cette réactivation de la mémoire des événements se produit dans un contexte où la Chine fait face à une perte de vitesse de l'idéologie communiste, causée notamment par la libéralisation de l'économie chinoise et par la chute du communisme dans le monde. Ce vide idéologique vient ébranler la légitimité du Parti communiste chinois, qui tente alors de rallier le peuple autour d'une idéologie nationale, en utilisant et en manipulant l'histoire et la mémoire de la deuxième guerre sino japonaise. Dans ce contexte, en quoi les représentations cinématographiques des événements de Nankin contribuent-elles à la construction du nationalisme chinois et comment peuvent-elles par le fait même fragiliser les relations entre la Chine et le Japon? Les représentations cinématographiques du massacre de Nankin se conforment en plusieurs points au discours que tiennent les autorités chinoises sur l'histoire de la deuxième guerre sino japonaise. Ce discours s'inscrit à l'intérieur d'une rhétorique de construction nationaliste, visant à combler le vide idéologique auquel fait face le Parti Communiste chinois' (PCC) depuis le début des années 1980. Pour faciliter la mise en place de ce nationalisme, basé sur l'importance de l'unité autour du Parti, ce dernier met en place une campagne d'éducation patriotique dans laquelle les arts et le cinéma en particulier jouent un rôle prédominant. Le discours cinématographique soutenant ce discours s'articule principalement autour de trois axes, la représentation de l'armée japonaise, la représentation de l'homme en tant que héros et la représentation de la femme et des enfants en tant que victimes.

published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts