Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1970. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

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This diploma thesis is focusing on analyzing a possible influence of new media on politics with an emphasis on the three most popular social networks as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube. The main methods used in this thesis are analysis and subsequent comparison of acquired facts. This thesis has two subtopics. Firstly, it is the action and the access of Czech and world politicians on the social networks. Secondly, it analyses the events of the Arab Spring in the years 2010 and 2011. This thesis is based both on professional literature of Czech and foreign authors, that follows up mass media, mass communication and new media, as well as on studies analyzing social networks as Facebook, Twitter and YouTube, on Czech and foreign newspapers, TV broadcasts and post electoral studies.

The theme of the work is assessment of argumentation strategies used by Revue Devetsil (ReD) editors, eg in response to articles published elsewhere or other critical contributions - especially in the context of conflict of art and politics. In particular, the observed situations relate to cases in which ReD editors expressed their views on the evaluations of contemporary avant-garde movement. The content of the study is an analysis of argumentation techniques according to social viewpoint. Rather than formal stylistic means, the text is oriented to contents and context of the use of specific or repeated arguments, especially the position from which the message is being produced. At the same time, the work captures the communication traits and characteristics of the First Republic cultural journalism and the position of the Czech avant-garde at the turn of the 1920s and 1930s. The thesis is divided into four chapters and a conclusion. The first one presents the media landscape of the First Republic cultural journalism, the second chapter informs about Devetsil movement, third part focuses on presentation of the goals of the Revue Devetsil, the fourth chapter presents examples of argumentative concepts on the genre of the manifesto, the polemics and the theoretical study. The conclusion discusses...

(in English): This thesis studies political pundits in the US who utilise YouTube as their main channel of communication. In particular, it studies a possible impact which political pundits in the non-traditional media might have in polarising the public and this in comparison with political pundits in the traditional media. The goal of this thesis is to better understand what makes the YouTube based political pundits different from their traditional news counterparts and which underlying messages we can find in their news reporting. The work uses the theoretical background of the echo chamber theory to utilise the content analysis methods in three major steps. First, categories are being established for predetermined dimensions using an exploratory content analysis of the biggest three traditional news outlets in the US. Using the established dimensions and categories, a quantitative content analysis is conducted on seven chosen non-tradition news outlets based exclusively on YouTube. To further explore the way by means of which these outlets present their messages, a qualitative content analysis is done on selected stories. It has been found that non-traditional media outlets are in general more inclined to talk about policy than traditional news outlets. It also has been found that YouTube based...

This contribution explores notions of "popular narratology" in reports, memos and strategic research papers of the US military and affiliated institutions. It investigates the military´s analysis of emerging social media practices and corresponding efforts to adapt military organization, strategy, and culture to these new technological and cultural phenomena. Employing notions and techniques of constructing and disseminating a narrative that they borrow from literary theory, media studies, and advertising, these texts negotiate best practices to set political agendas and instigate institutional reforms within the military. Providing a cultural history perspective on these recent developments in military policy, this article emphasizes the military papers´reflections on the textuality of military information in order to reveal their agenda of furthering the military´s interests. It is thus invested in exploring how textual (i.e., "poetic") qualities serve as tools to pursue political goals.

The main question in this dissertation is: How can the emergence of local and commercial radio and the ensuing changes within each be understood in relation to intermedial and intramedial competition? This overarching question is broken down into four research questions. What driving forces contributed to the implementation of local and commercial radio respectively? (How can the competitive context of these two radio forms be described and periodized? In what ways have the practices of producing radio output, radio audiences and brands changed during the period covered by this study? What similarities and differences have emerged between local radio and commercial radio over time? This study can be seen as an institutional media history, focusing on two distinctive periods in the history of Swedish radio and television, Decentralization (1977-1987) and Commercialization (1987 onwards). The empirical material consists of documents, press clippings and some forty semi-structured in-depth interviews. Theoretically the dissertation combines political economy with a cultural perspective on media production and institutional intentionality. The empirical content is a two-part study on local radio and on commercial radio, presented through narrative principles of chronology and periodization. The results of the study are integrated to a large extent into the historical presentation that makes up the major part of the dissertation. More specifically, this historical exposition shows that issues of competition were important also before the deregulation of Swedish radio in 1993, and that the competitive conditions for these two parts of the Swedish radio landscape are on the one hand fundamentally different and on the other have become more similar over the years, especially when it comes to competitive strategies and production philosophies.

The aim of this study is to explore the correlation between contemporary political agenda and film themes, how and if the antagonists’ behavior is depicted in relation to whom the political opponent was at the time of the making of the film. The literature is concurrent: movies are used to spread norms and political messages. There are several examples; during the Cold War people and antagonist behavior could clearly be linked to the Soviet Union. During the Gulf War the antagonists was often depicted as Arabic terrorists, but after the war the villain character became unclear and was often represented by natural disasters, organized crime, corruption etc. Following the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States, Arabic terrorists once again became the new antagonists. The film selection is made out of the five most profitable movies (adjusted for inflation) that take place in our world that was produced during the Cold War, and five films that fill the same criteria that was produced after the Cold War. My goal was to see if I could see a correlation between the political agenda at the time of the making of the movie, how the antagonists are portrayed and what political themes were addressed. Unexpectedly, I found no such correlation in my film selection. However, I could see similarities in certain genres, such as action, thrillers and adventure movies, that support the theories in the literature. / Jag studerar huruvida man kan dra en parallell mellan den rådande politiska agendan och filmens politiska teman samt hur skurkgestaltningen ter sig i relation till vem den politiska motståndaren var då filmen gjordes. Litteraturen är tydlig kring att film används för att sprida normer och politiska budskap. Det finns flera exempel kring hur man under kalla kriget främst hade Sovjet eller personer och beteenden som tydligt kunde kopplas till Sovjet som skurkar. Efter kalla kriget, i samband med Gulfkriget, blev det under en tid araber för att därefter vara en mer oklar skurkroll (ofta naturkatastrofer, organiserad brottslighet, korruption, etc.). Efter terrorangreppen mot USA den 11:e september 2001 fick man återigen en tydlig motståndare och den arabiske terroristen blev den nya antagonisten. I min studie utgår jag från de fem filmer som drog in mest pengar (justerat för inflation), som utspelar sig i vår värld och som kom under kalla kriget, samt de fem filmer inom samma kategorier som kom därefter. Detta för att se om jag kan se en tydlig parallell mellan den rådande politiska agendan och hur skurkarna gestaltas samt vilka politiska teman som tas upp. Oväntat nog finner jag att ingen sådan tydlig koppling finns i de exemplen. Jag finner liknande paralleller inom vissa genres, såsom actionfilm, thrillers och äventyrsfilm, men ingen direkt koppling till filmen generellt kan göras.

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