O trabalho se propõe a discutir o tema do recrutamento militar para a Guerra da Cisplatina, entre os anos de 1825 e 1828, na província do Rio Grande do Sul, pertencente ao Império do Brasil, e na Província Oriental, atual Uruguai, integrante das Províncias Unidas do Rio da Prata. Através do estudo de correspondências das autoridades militares dos dois lados do conflito e pautado pelas contribuições da “nova história militar” brasileira, se faz um estudo da legislação que regulava essa prática, a interpretação dos comandantes sobre estas, e o impacto causado na população pelos recrutadores. Enfoca-se, nessa última questão, na resistência oferecida pelas populações, de diferentes maneiras, para evitar que os homens fossem servir nos exércitos e milícias que combatiam pelo domínio da Banda Oriental. Para o caso do Brasil, se dá especial atenção à evolução da instituição militar desde o domínio português, através do estudo da legislação que regulava o serviço das armas. / The paper aims to discuss the issue of the military recruitment for the Cisplatine War between the years 1825 and 1828 in the province of Rio Grande do Sul, part of the Empire of Brazil, and in the Banda Oriental, now Uruguay, a member of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata. Through the study of correspondences from the military authorities on both sides of the conflict and guided by the contributions of the Brazilian "new military history", becomes a study of the legislation that regulated this practice, the interpretation of the commanders on these, and the impact on the population by recruiters. It is focused on that last question, the resistance offered by people, in different ways, to prevent men from serving in armies and militias who fought for dominance of the Banda Oriental. For the case of Brazil, it will be given particular attention to the evolution of the military institution since the Portuguese domination, through the study of legislation that regulated the military service.

Les phénomènes d'hybridation en sciences de l'information et de la communication. Analyse discursive des communications de recrutement des armées professionnelles françaises de 1996 à 2012. La décision de suspension du service national en 1996 a contraint les armées professionnelles à communiquer pour recruter. En 2012, cela a fait seize ans que le ministère de la défense diffuse des communications qui ont pour objectif de recruter leurs personnels militaires. À partir d'un travail d'investigation effectué sur les dix-neuf campagnes de recrutement diffusées en 1996 et 2012 par l'Armée de Terre, la Marine Nationale et l'Armée de l'Air, cette thèse se propose d'analyser le discours de recrutement militaire en postulant sa polyphonie énonciative. Quelles sont les différentes formes discursives qui s'enchevêtrent dans le discours de recrutement militaire ? Existe-il des phénomènes de tensions ou de complémentarités dans l'énonciation de ce discours de recrutement ? Comment aménage-t-il une place aux destinataires dans cette hybridation des formes discursives ? En définitive, que nous dit cette hybridation des discours dans la compréhension des communications de recrutement militaire ? / Hybridization occurences in information and communication sciences. Discourse analysis of recruitment communications and campaign for the professional French armies from 1996 to 2012.The suspension of the conscription with its obligatory national service in 1996 has led the professional armies to communicate to recruit their military personnel. In 2012, it has been sixteen years that the Ministry of Defense has released communications for that purpose. Following a work of investigations carried out on the nineteen recruitment campaigns released between 1996 and 2012 by the French Army, the French Navy and the French Air Force, this thesis analyzes military recruitment discourses by postulating their enunciative polyphony. What are the different discursive forms that are entangled in the military recruiting speech? Is there any form of tensions or complementarities in the enunciation of this recruitment speech? How does it make a space for recipients in this hybridization of discursive forms? Ultimately, how does this hybridization of discourses help us with the understanding of military recruitment communications?

La quantification des infirmités en France au XIXe siècle est guidée par deux objectifs principaux. Il s'agit, d'une part, d'établir la répartition géographique de ces infirmités afin d'en évaluer les causes et d'ouvrir des structures d'accueil adaptées (asiles, institutions d'éducation). D'autre part, cela consiste à mesurer les évolutions du nombre des infirmes. Cette thèse étudie ces pratiques de quantification à partir de deux sources : les comptes rendus sur le recrutement de l'armée (publiés à partir de 1818) et qui ne traitent que de générations de jeunes hommes, et les recensements quinquennaux (de 1851 à 1876) qui concernent l'ensemble de la population. Cette thèse examine la construction du chiffre d'infirmes, de sa mise en place à sa remise en cause. Différents éléments sont articulés dans l'analyse. Tout d'abord, nous étudions la place des infirmes dans la société et le rôle de l'État dans leur prise en charge. Nous nous intéressons aussi aux savants (réunis dans des sociétés ou en congrès pour partager leurs recherches) et aux instances de gouvernance (maires, préfets, ministères). Les premiers étudient la population pour des raisons scientifiques, les seconds pour des motifs administratifs. Cette mise en parallèle d'intérêts divergents fait pourtant ressortir une inquiétude commune: celle d'observer une dégénérescence de la population. Des statisticiens et médecins s'attèlent donc à analyser ces nouvelles productions statistiques pour démontrer l'exagération de ces craintes. / The enumeration of the infirm in France in the 19th century had several objectives: to map their geographical distribution, in order to better understand the causes of these disabilities and to provide suitable facilities (asylums, educational institutions), but also to track trends in view to potentially control and decrease the size of this group. This study addresses the quantification of disability through two data sources: the five-year censuses (1851-1876) and the reports of army recruitment (published from 1818 onwards).We study how these figures were constructed, from their initial implementation until they started being challenged. To do so, we also explore the place of the disabled in society, and the role of the State in their care. We deal with the interactions between scientists (gathered in learned societies or in conferences to share their research) and various governance bodies (mayors, prefects, ministries). The former studied this population for scientific reasons, while the latter for administrative purposes. Comparing these divergent interests highlights however a common anxiety: that they were observing a degeneration of the population. Because of the regularity of data outputs, time trends, which until then had not been available, could now be constructed. Statisticians and doctors could therefore use these new statistical figures to demonstrate the exaggeration of these fears.

Studien syftade till att undersöka skillnader i framställning i två militära rekryteringsfilmer från Tyskland och Sverige. Syftet uppfylls genom multimodala analyser av filmerna och genom en fokusgruppsintervju beståendes av tyska och svenska studenter. I den multimodala analysen kartlades relevanta meningsbärande modaliteter för att ta reda på hur organisationerna framställer sig själva i filmerna. Fokusgruppsintervjun gav underlag till en kvalitativ innehållsanalys där publikens tolkning av filmerna kartlades med ett särskilt fokus på hur kultur har för betydelse för tolkningen. Studiens teoretiska bakgrund utgörs dels av Althussers teori kring ideologier och statliga anordningar och interpellationskonceptet som det vidareutvecklas av Judith Williamson. För tolkning av fokusgruppsintervjun applicerades Stuart Halls teori om Encoding/Decoding och Kim Schröders multidimensionella mottagarmodell. Studien kommer fram till att filmerna syftar till att interpellera, tilltala, publiken på skilda vis vilket leder till att två olika ideologier reproduceras. Innehållsanalysen av fokusintervjun pekade på att den kulturella bakgrunden kan vara en central faktor som förklarar varför filmerna tolkades olika av deltagarna. Ur ett samhälleligt perspektiv är studien relevant då den påtalar militära organisationers reproduktiva makt över ideologier i samhället. Förslagsvis kan framtida forskning undersöka kulturens roll för avkodning av militära rekryteringsfilmer på en mer detaljerad nivå. Till exempel skillnader i mottagande mellan landsorts- och stadsbefolkning. Studiens begränsningar utgörs främst av den korta tidsram inom vilken den genomförts och bristen på triangulering av data

This thesis consists of an introductory part and two self-contained chapters related to the supply of volunteers to the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [I] represents the first effort to explore the relationship between civilian labour market conditions and the supply of labour to the military in the all-volunteer environment that Sweden entered after the abolishment of the peacetime draft in 2010. The effect of civilian unemployment on the rate of applications from individuals aged 18 to 25 to initiate basic military training is investigated using panel data on Swedish counties for the years 2011 through 2015. A linear fixed-effects model is estimated to investigate the relationship, while controlling for a range of socio-demographic covariates and unobserved heterogeneity on the regional level, as well as aggregate trends on the national level. The results indicate a positive and statistically significant relationship between the unemployment rate and the application rate. The results are robust to non-linear form specifications, as well as allowing the civilian unemployment rate to be endogenous. As such, the results suggest that the civilian labour market environment in Sweden can give rise to non-trivial fluctuations in the supply of applications to initiate basic military training within the Swedish Armed Forces. Chapter [II] studies how local labour market conditions influence the quality composition of those who volunteer for military service in Sweden. A fixed-effects regression model is estimated on a panel data set containing IQ scores for those who applied for military basic training across Swedish municipalities during the period 2010 to 2016. The main finding is that low civilian employment rates at the local level tend to increase the mean IQ score of those who volunteer for military service, whereas the opposite is true if employment rates in the civilian labour market move in a more favourable direction. As such, the results suggest that the negative impact of a strong civilian economy on recruitment volumes is reinforced by a deterioration in recruit quality.

The myth of the citizen-soldier resonates strongly in the American imagination and helps (re)construct America the nation. The construction of this myth in the historical context of World War II is especially prominent in contemporary American culture. The myth of the World War II citizen-soldier functions as an individualized discursive formation with specific rules of formation. I contextualize the construction of this individualized discursive formation within the historical era of World War II, and show how it excludes in direct contradiction to the ideals of civic nationalism that shaped the concept of national citizenship of that era. The United States military, which changed to an All Volunteer Force in 1973, functions as a neoliberal state apparatus in modern America. However, the United States Military still largely relies on the rules of formation and the ideals of civic nationalism in order to recruit volunteers for its forces. Traces of the myths of World War II, particularly the myth of the citizen-soldier, can still be found in the United States Army's recruitment material in its current "Army Strong" campaign despite the contradictory ideals of civic nationalism and neoliberalism. I conduct a Critical Discourse Analysis of three recruitment television commercials from the "Army Strong" campaign aired in 2009. I explain how the United States Army uses both the ideals of civic nationalism and the characteristics of neoliberalism in order to encourage potential recruits to join its ranks. / Master of Arts

This thesis examines the development of the soldier in late-Victorian Britain in light of the movement to rehabilitate the public image of the ordinary ranks initiated by the Cardwell-Childers Reforms. Venerated in popular culture, Tommy Atkins became a symbol of British imperial strength and heroism. Socially, however, attitudes to the rank-and-file were defined by a pragmatic realism purged of such sentiments, the likes of which would characterise the British public’s relationship with their army for over thirty years. Scholars of both imperial culture and the Victorian military have identified this dual persona of Tommy Atkins, however, a dedicated study into the true nature of the soldier’s position has yet to be undertaken. The following research will seek to redress this omission. The soldier is approached through the perspective of three key influences which defined his development. The first influence, the politics of the War Office, exposes a progressive series of schemes which, cultivated for over a decade, sought to redefine the soldier through the popularisation of military service and the professionalisation of the military’s public relations strategy and apparatus. A forgotten component of the Cardwell-Childers Reforms, the schemes have not before been scrutinised. Despite the ingenuity of the schemes devised, the social rehabilitation of the soldier failed, primarily, it will be argued, because the government refused to improve his pay. The public’s response to the Cardwell-Childers Reforms and the British perception of the ordinary soldier in the decades following their introduction form the second perspective. Through surveys of the local and London press and mainstream literature, it is demonstrated the soldier, in part as a result of the reforms, underwent a social transition, precipitated by his entering the public consciousness and encouraged by a resulting fascination in the military life. The final perspective presented in this thesis is from within the rank-and-file itself. Through the examination of specialist newspaper, diary and memoir material the direct experiences of the soldiers themselves are explored. Amid the extensive public and political discussion of their nature and status, the soldier also engaged in the debate. The perspective of the rank-and-file provides direct context for the established perspectives of the British public and the War Office, but also highlights how the soldier both supported and opposed the reforms and was acutely aware of the social status he possessed. This thesis will examine the public and political treatment of the soldier in the late-nineteenth century and question how far the conflicting ideas of soldier-hero and soldier-beggar were reconciled.

This study was done to see the effects of a war on the economy and the internal politics of the United States. In selecting the engagement, we would study we agreed the Iraq War would be aided by a large amount of sampling of public opinion that was more nuanced than in previous wars. The Iraq War was a very complicated war, as it was controversial from the beginning and became a political issue while continuing to be a war fought by Americans abroad. Based on the literature, there were many starting effects and assumptions that were accounted for such as the ‘rally round the flag effect.' As a historical landmark, the Iraq War is important for being a significant conflict after the Vietnam War, another very controversial conflict in the eyes of the American public. The hypothesis that I presented were not supported by the data. The impact of the war on the economy was not strong enough that it would create pressure for the sort of model I created to apply. In this model the economic problems faced domestically could lead to more unemployment and therefore to higher military recruitment rates. While this was partially true in 2008, the consequence was not a significantly higher amount of people in the military. Ultimately, this project requires to be done in a more thorough setting where effects may be compared with those of other similar countries in similar scenarios.