The subject of this study is the “work strategy” (arbetslinjen); the idea that work and active measures are preferred over cash benefits. The aim of the study is to investigate why the work strategy, which has been almost undisputed for nearly a century, has had widely changing contents over the years, what measures have been taken and which groups have been included. It also attempts to find out whether there is a correlation between unemployment rates, society and the different aspects of the work strategy. The study is conducted as an idea analysis, mainly of dissertations on the work strategy and public inquiries, and covers five time periods from the 1920’s until today. The theoretical framework is primarily founded on Randall Collins’ theory of morality, social rituals and group solidarity, but also on Erving Goffmans stigma theory.   The investigation shows, among other things, that the demands upon the unemployed and the aspects of the work strategy vary according to the unemployment rates. In the light of Collins’ theory high unemployment can be seen as a threat to the group morality, as there is then a greater risk of free-riders. It is moral to work and unmoral to receive cash benefits. To make themselves worthy of the benefits and show morality the unemployed must prove their willingness to work by accepting assigned tasks; measures, which are more characterized by control and discipline during times of high unemployment rates. These measures can be seen as social rituals which serve mainly to strengthen the group’s morality and solidarity. There are stratifications from how moral the individuals act. Working leads to high esteem in society, while unemployment implicates a stigma, as the norms of society are not reached.

published_or_final_version / Education / Master / Master of Education

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Går det att köpa en fastighet utan att bli lurad? Under flera år har mäklare florerat i media och deras etik och moral har ifrågasatts. Intresset för hur etik och moral egentligen ser ut vid fastighetsförmedling väcktes och vi ville veta om kritiken var befogad. För att få svar gjorde vi en kvalitativ ansats och intervjuade tre olika instanser. Dessa bestod av Fastighetsbyrån, Mäklarsamfundet och ARN. Vårt val av respondenter grundade sig på att de alla har anknytning till fastighetsförmedling på olika sätt. Vi valde att undersöka etik och moral närmare utifrån lockpriser, provision och budgivning. Vid intervjuerna har vi även varit intresserade av att få veta vad våra respondenter anser vara anledningen till mediebevakningen och vad de tror mäklarna kan göra för att öka sin trovärdighet mot allmänheten. Vår slutsats är att etik och moral är svåra att åtskilja och de går hand i hand. Vid den högkonjunktur som varit har förmedlingsuppdragen ökat, vilket har medfört fler anmälningar och har därför uppmärksammats oftare i media. Allmänheten tror ofta att mäklaren har ett större ansvar än vad mäklarrollen innebär. Det kan också vara så att man som kund inte vet vilket ansvar och vilka skyldigheter man själv har som köpare. Mäklaren ska upplysa köparen om att han har undersökningsplikt och detta missar mäklaren ibland. I fastighetsmäklarlagen står det att mäklaren ska vara opartisk och tillvarata både säljarens och köparens intresse. När det kommer till priset på fastigheten är det uttalat att mäklaren ska gå säljarens väg, vilket rubbar synen på mäklarens opartiskhet. Vi har kommit fram till att mäklarna förmodligen inte har sämre etik och moral än i någon annan yrkeskategori. Vi lever i ett kapitalistiskt samhälle och för att överleva måste vi alla gå med vinst. Valet man har är att lita på agenten eller sälja sin fastighet själv.

The study was undertaken to assess the relationship between social experience and moral reasoning, and to examine two aspects of Kohlberg's universality claims. The participants were 81 South Africans; comprising 40 Blacks and 41 Whites drawn from four age groups. Moral reasoning was measured by means of The Standard Issue Scoring Manual (Colby et al.,1987 a,b). Social experience was measured by means of various self devised instruments. Results revealed that aside from the 19 - 28 age group there were no significant differences in level of moral reasoning between blacks and whites. Furthermore, blacks and whites showed no significant differences in the use of autonomous moral judgements. On the moral orientations, blacks and whites showed some differences in their pattern of responses. Results also revealed significant age differences in level of moral reasoning, moral orientations and moral type. On the measures of social experience, whites were found to have a more advantaged social experience than blacks. An examination of how social experience and moral reasoning, and age and moral reasoning were related, revealed that irrespective of race, the variables that were consistently related to moral reasoning, were age and education. The combination of variables that best predicted level of moral reasoning were found to be age and social index for whites, and education for blacks. The findings of the present study also provided some support for Kohlberg's universality claims. The results were discussed in relation to the findings of past research and the social realities within the South African context. Limitations of the present study were considered and suggestions were made concerning further research. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of Durban-Westville, 1992.

This Thesis is about the role which social conventions play in shaping our moral choices, and about the possibility of a normative theory that takes such conventions seriously. It also hints at the idea of looking at conventions as a kind of moral technology. If existing conventions serve a useful function, then perhaps we can take what we know about conventions and apply that knowledge in a forward-looking manner. Chapter 1 of this Thesis outlines the shape of the project, and explains its roots in methodological individualism and a relative, subjective theory of value. Chapter 2 surveys the literature on norms and conventions, and explains why it is that despite the prevalence of the former in the literature, moral theorists should focus on the latter. Chapter 3 looks at the ways in which conventions structure strategic interaction. They do so both by providing information that served as an input to rational decision making, and by providing a more direct, non-instrumental form of motivation. In Chapter 4, we look at the relevance of the literature on public goods and the problem of collective action, and argue that beginning and maintaining conventions embodies a collective action problem. In Chapter 5, we move to examine the normative force of conventions, and suggest that conventions constitute a reasonable set of constraints on self-interested behaviour. Chapter 6 addresses the fact that a convention-based approach seems capable of endorsing asymmetrical outcomes, at least some of which seem unjust. In Chapter 7, we look more generally at the adequacy of a conventionalist account, and examine the departures which such an account seems to make from everyday morality. Finally, in Chapter 8, we put theory to practice, and examine the world of professional obligation. We offer there a meta-ethics of professional obligation that suggests that such obligations are best understood as conventions between professionals. That argument serves as a challenge to existing principle-based and virtue-based theories of professional obligation, and illustrates the practical importance of this Thesis. In Chapter 9, we summarize the ground covered, and discuss how we can apply what we know about conventions to ameliorate problematic situations.

In this dissertation, I construct and defend a conception of global education as a moral enterprise. I argue that the ethical and political commitments which should be at the heart of programs have not been made explicit or central. Fundamental commitments to democracy are incompatible with global education that focuses mainly on existing world systems and relationships, and promotes national interests. The foundations of global education should be those that underlie projects of communicative ethics, defined here as frameworks for uncoerced communication between particular individuals in actual contexts. On this view, global education is education toward just and respectful exchanges across social, political, and cultural differences. A central feature of this conception is the development of a defensible global perspective. To attain such a perspective is, in part, to develop the sensitivities and dispositions that will help one understand and appreciate another’s point of view. This kind of understanding can only be partial and is often problematic. There is always the possibility of misunderstanding, even incommensurability. Further, understanding does not entail agreement. Dialogue needs to proceed cautiously and with awareness of the potential for coercion. Nevertheless, it is hoped that educational efforts toward communicating with others will lead to the mutual recognition of some commonalities, and may eventuate in the construction of a limited global community of concern. There are a number of communicative virtues necessary for listening and speaking to individuals who are beyond the boundaries of our existing local and national concerns. The three moral dispositions presented here are especially important. Empathy, tolerance, and a sense of justice are discussed in terms of meeting the challenges of communicating across differences and distance. Classrooms are places where these virtues can be carefully cultivated, and where the possibilities for constructing community can be explored through defensible programs of global education.

The purpose of this research was to describe the experience of moral distress among regulated and unregulated nursing personnel employed in Long Term Care (LTC) facilities. The specific research questions were: 1) Do regulated and unregulated nursing personnel experience moral distress? 2) What is the nature of moral distress in LTC facilities? 3) How do nursing personnel describe and perceive the experience of moral distress? 4) What are the organizational factors that participants perceive as contributing to or reducing moral distress in their workplace? A qualitative, descriptive, study design was used. Semi-structured interviews were the method of data collection and analysis was conducted using thematic content analysis as proposed by Miles and Huberman’s (1994). A purposive sample of 16 participants was recruited from two LTC facilities. Participants described work experiences in which they felt they were unable to do the “right thing”. There were four kinds of situations that gave rise to moral distress: end of life care, resident behaviours, other direct care provider behaviours and the work environment. The experience of moral distress was described in terms of an initial emotional reaction, followed by a response, with resolved or unresolved outcomes. Half of the examples described by participants as giving rise to moral distress, remained unresolved. Participants also identified organizational factors that prevented moral distress and assisted with its resolution such as, educational courses, administrative leadership and pastoral support. / Thesis (Master, Nursing) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-24 13:59:20.125