Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2006. / Advisor: Donald D. Horward, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences , Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Jan. 2, 2007). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 303 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2006. / Advisor: Donald D. Horward, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of History. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 14, 2006). Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 131 pages. Includes bibliographical references.

Les révolutionnaires de l’époque 1789 – 1799 ont supprimé les corps intermédiaires entre l’Etat et le Peuple. Selon la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme, nul corps, nul individu ne devait s’insérer entre le pouvoir et la plèbe. Ainsi, les lois Chapelier (entre autres) ont supprimé les corps de métier et les gouvernements successifs ont tenté d’éradiquer les contre-pouvoirs des régions et des « féodalités » locales. Or, lorsque Napoléon Bonaparte prend la tête de l’Etat en novembre 1799, le pays est en quête de nouveaux repères. Le chef du nouveau gouvernement instauré en février 1800 entend mettre en place des « masses de granit », c’est-à-dire des institutions stables.La création de la Banque de France, des Préfets, des Lycées, du Baccalauréat, de la Légion d’Honneur, sont des exemples connus parmi tant d’autres. En revanche, le sujet de cette thèse est moins connu, excepté peut-être des étudiants et enseignants juristes. Car au cœur du nouveau Code Civil des Français se trouve « l’esprit de fraternité » exprimé dans le texte de la Déclaration des Droits de l’Homme et du Citoyen, et dans la Constitution du 5 fructidor. L’Eglise catholique n’étant plus – depuis le Concordat – la religion officielle de l’Etat, mais la religion majoritaire, l’Etat remplace le devoir de charité par une fraternité civile. Le Premier Consul (bientôt Empereur) ajoute une clause du Code Civil stipulant que les parents doivent pourvoir aux besoins de leurs enfants majeurs, lorsque ces derniers en sont incapables (et inversement).A travers l’époque du Consulat et du Premier Empire, cette thèse vise à démontrer le développement des structures de solidarité sociale, notamment dans la législation mais aussi en ce qui concerne les institutions et les politiques de l’Etat pendant cette période. Nous étudierons (entre autres) le Code Civil en son contexte, les Maisons d’Education de la Légion d’Honneur, la législation du travail (dont notamment celui des enfants), les sociétés de secours mutuels (prédécesseurs de nos mutuelles et syndicats d’aujourd’hui) et les administrations de bienfaisance. Nous jetterons également un regard – en conclusion – sur les projets inachevés développés sous des régimes postérieurs. Cela afin de mieux placer cette époque dans son contexte par rapport au XXIe siècle.La période du Consulat et de l’Empire a été une grande période de création de caisses de retraite, et l’Empereur Napoléon en a même précisé les principes qui devaient régir ce « droit » qu’il voulait étendre à tous les métiers. Notre thèse suit donc les traces de la création de ces institutions et de l’encadrement de la vie quotidienne selon les principes napoléoniens, synthèse de l’Ancien Régime et des idéaux de 1789. / The revolutionaries of the period spanning 1789 – 1799 abolished the corps intermédiaires between the State and the People. According to the Declaration of the Rights of Man, no organisation or individual must step between the power and the plebeians. Thus, the Le Chapelier laws (among others) abolished the guilds, and successive governments attempted to eradicate the opposing forces of the regions and local « feudalisms ». However, when Napoleon Bonaparte took charge of the ship of State in November 1799, the country was in search of new references. The chief of the new government installed in February 1800 aimed to lay « masses of granite », that is to say stable institutions, on the soil of France.The creation of the Bank of France, of the Prefects, of the Lycées, Baccalaureate and Legion of Honour are well-known examples among many others. But the subject of this thesis is less famous, except perhaps for students and teachers of law. For in the heart of the new Civil Code of the French, there is the « spirit of fraternity » expressed in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen, and in the Constitution of the 5th of Fructidor. The Catholic Church no longer being – since the Concordat – the official State religion, but the religion of the majority of Frenchmen, the State replaced the duty of charity with civil fraternity. The First Consul (who was soon to be Emperor) added a clause to the Civil Code stipulating that parents must provide for their children, even as adults, if the latter are unable to do so (and vice versa).Throughout the era of the Consulate and First Empire, this thesis aims to show the development of structures of social solidarity, particularly via legislation, but also in relation to the institutions and policies of the State during this period. We will study (among others) the Civil Code in its context, the Maisons d’Education de la Légion d’Honneur, legislation on labour (particularly in relation to child labour), mutual aid societies (predecessors of the mutual insurance companies and trades unions of our times) and the welfare administrations. We will also cast an eye, in conclusion, over the unfinished projects developed under later regimes. In order to better situate this era in its context in relation to the 21st Century.The period of the Consulate and Empire was a great period for the creation of retirement pension funds, and the Emperor Napoleon even set down the principles which were to regulate this « right » that he wanted to extend to all trades. Our thesis therefore follows in the trail of the creation of these institutions and of the framework of daily life according to Napoleonic principles, a synthesis of the Old Regime and the ideals of 1789.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / The sailors in the British Navy during the Napoleonic Wars are largely unknown to us. This thesis explores their worldview, as revealed through songs, memoirs, plays and broadsides. Through interactions with women and working-class men on shore and officers at sea, these men developed a collective identity rooted in working class masculinity. Ultimately, this thesis refutes the idea that sailors occupied a world completely removed from land and were, rather, actively influenced by ideologies and culture on shore.

Previous studies of Bank Note forgery in England during the Bank Restriction Period have adopted a highly institutional focus. Thus, much is known about the role played by both the Bank of England and the workings of the criminal justice system in combating both forgers and forged note utterers. The question of how the new system of small denomination Bank Notes impacted upon the day to day lives and understandings of the people that used them has received far less attention. The actual means by which Bank Notes were themselves forged has also been overlooked. This has led to a somewhat two-dimensional view of these notes as material objects. This thesis will engage with common mentalities and perceptions, seeking to write a 'new history from below' of both Bank Notes and their forgery in this period. Its primary aims will be to explore the question of why the English people were so easily imposed upon by forged Bank Notes; the various means by which forged notes could be constructed; and what an analysis of both of these points can tell us about economic and social understandings of non-elite people at this time. It will be argued that by studying instances in which small denomination Bank Notes were routinely exchanged, we can highlight a significant dichotomy of understanding in a society that was starting to engage with a new culture of promise based fiduciary paper money, yet was still deeply rooted in early-modern notions of paper instruments as objects of personal credit and debt. The thesis will show that heavy exposure to Bank Notes at this time clearly equipped some contemporaries with their own personalised sets of aesthetic and material "standards", against which the "goodness" of any monetary instrument with which they were presented would be compared. Others continued to examine the material aspect of Bank Notes via a direct comparison or consultation with others. Neither approach was always successful and indeed whatever method was adopted, the common occurrence of the materials and technologies required to construct a credible imitation of a Bank Note meant that it was not just illiterate persons that were susceptible to being deceived. Even a reading of the Bank Note's literate text failed to provide sufficient defence against the activities of the forger.

This thesis aims to explain how British naval power was sustained in the Indian Ocean during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars. To improve efficiency and economy, the Admiralty had to reorganise the management of shore support services, as well as to rationalise the bases available to the navy to meet the enemy it faced. The basic proposal of this thesis is that British naval power was projected overseas by the Admiralty's effective reconciliation of two competing demands, the naval demand for strategic deployment and the domestic demand for reform. The thesis argues that British naval power in the Indian Ocean was increased by the acquisition of the Cape of Good Hope and Trincomalee and the naval bases built at these locations. The removal of the navy from complete dependence on the East India Company for support services was part of a long term policy of increasing Admiralty control of facilities in the east. In 1793 Bombay was the main naval base but Madras quickly became another hub supporting naval activities in the east. Other locations were considered. Calcutta was used and investigations were made into developing Penang as a navy base before Trincomalee became part of Britain’s long-term naval infrastructure. At the Cape a separate naval command was given responsibility for part of the Indian Ocean. Following the capture of Mauritius in 1810 this island was used temporarily as a forward support base. Admiralty control of the naval support services delivered to the squadrons at the Cape and in the East Indies was dramatically improved by the appointment overseas of resident commissioners from 1809. This resulted from the implementation of the recommendations of the Commission of Naval Revision, first suggested by the Commissioners on Fees in 1788. Resident commissioners ensured Admiralty instructions and policies were implemented and executed, resulting in improved efficiency and reduced costs.

From the campaign waged by Revolutionaries like Barère and the Abbé Grégoire against those regional languages they referred to pejoratively as 'patois', to the educational policies of Jules Ferry a century later, successive governments of France engaged in a broadly successful struggle to force the French to speak French. Inverting the logic of cultural nationalists like Herder, who claimed a shared language as the legitimate basis of national polities, French legislators sought to impose French as a common language on a linguistically diverse population that had already been constituted as a state. Recent historical work has shown the particular significance of such projects during the Napoleonic period. Historians have begun considering how far the Napoleonic regime was characterized by cultural imperialism. While the ideological nature of such projects- the 'view from the centre', so to speak- is now well understood by historians, this thesis is concerned with the practice of Napoleonic imperialism in one sphere of action: language. By focusing on the practice of linguistic imperialism under Napoleon this thesis makes an important contribution to understandings of the cultural politics of the period as well as Napoleonic state-building policies more generally.

Despite the attention historians have given to the Revolutionary and Napoleonic eras in Central Europe, few works have sought to understand these events' reverberations throughout the nineteenth century in a local or regional context. Taking the northern German city of Hamburg as its focal point, this study investigates the change in the urban political culture affected by eight years of Napoleonic occupation. In the process of replacing Hamburg's sprawling and archaic government with one characterized by Gallic centralization and rigor, the French introduced a new style of politics that relied on consistent, public, and martial presentations of its authority. This public presence was heightened not only by the implementation of modern policing techniques, but also by a series of choreographed, ideologically-charged public spectacles whose effectiveness relied on a clever manipulation and politicization of urban space.

Although it has long been portrayed as the nation’s ‘moat defensive’, recent examinations of Anglo-French rivalry during the long eighteenth century have revealed that the English Channel was, in reality, a highly permeable and vulnerable maritime border territory. Within this context, the Channel Islands assumed a strategic and tactical significance which was vastly disproportionate to their physical size, population or resources; emerging as what Morieux terms ‘a lynchpin of control' over local shipping and trade. Although a great deal of research has been already undertaken – particularly in relation to the Channel Islands’ role as a base for commerce-raiding and intelligence gathering – much of this has covered the entire long eighteenth century. However, it was only during the Great French War that the British government embraced the military potential of the Channel Islands to the fullest; not only exploiting the inhabitants’ knowledge of the seas and intimacy with her ‘enemies’, but also transforming the archipelago into a chain of offshore fortresses. In addition, prior scholarship has often focused on individual aspects of the Channel Islands’ involvement in the Great French War; while local historians have tended to embrace the ‘Great Man’ approach, examining the period through the lens of the careers of local commanders. Consequently, this thesis seeks to provide a more complete picture of the Channel Islands’ role within Britain’s military and naval strategy; integrating an examination of local defence and security with several of already well-covered topics. Moreover, in light of the fact that existent scholarship has often centred upon ‘Great Men’, it is hoped that the thesis shall serve to better demonstrate the extent to which the celebrated achievements of Don, Doyle and D’Auvergne rested upon the efforts of a number of ‘unsung heroes’.