Immortalisé par Victor Hugo dans Les Misérables, le général Lamarque est surtout connu pour ses funérailles qui ont dégénérées en juin 1832, en une insurrection républicaine réprimée par le pouvoir orléaniste. Pourtant, sa vie ne saurait se résumer à cette image d’Épinal : grâce à des archives souvent inédites ou peu exploitées, le travail de l'historien a permis de dissocier le mythe, qui s'est construit autour du personnage, de la réalité historique pour dresser un portrait inédit de ce Landais engagé dans les affaires de son temps. Issu de la bourgeoisie de robe, il adhère rapidement aux idées d'une Révolution qui lui donne les moyens d'être un acteur des événements : garde national,Jacobin, officier dans un bataillon de volontaires. Instruit et cultivé, il est également pourvu d'un grand courage physique. Sans jamais appartenir aux premiers cercles du pouvoir, il est proche des membres de la famille Bonaparte qui assurent son ascension.Sa carrière militaire sous l'Empire n'est toutefois que de second ordre et c'est à la périphérie de l'Europe qu'il se distingue dans la contre-guérilla. Déçu par la Restauration, il rallie Napoléon lors des Cent-Jours qui l'envoie en Vendée. Cette affectation le compromet durablement aux yeux du pouvoir royaliste qui ne voit plus en lui qu'un général bonapartiste. Exilé, il ne revient en France qu'en 1818 et embrasse une carrière littéraire tout en cherchant à garder son rang dans la société. Au contact de l'opposition libérale, il renoue avec la politique au quotidien. Sa reconversion en politique n'est pourtant pas une évidence. Ce n'est qu'en 1828 qu'il devient député et ce n'est que sous la monarchie de Juillet qu'il devient un héros populaire. / Immortalized by Victor Hugo in « Les Misérables », General Lamarque is mainly known for his funerals in June 1832, which turned into a republican insurrection,suppressed by Orléanist power. However, his life could not be summarized by this stereotyped image : thanks to unexploited or less exploited archives, the historian’swork permitted to dissociate the myth shaped around his character from historical reality, to get an original portrait of this character from the Landes. Coming originally from the bourgeoisie of the robe, he soon stuck to Revolution ideas which gave him the means to be an actor of events : National Guard, Jacobin, officer in a Volunteers Battalion. Educated and cultured, he also came complete with his physical courage. He never was a part of first circles of power, he was close to the House of Bonaparte which provided his rise. His military career under the Empire is yet only second-rate. It is atthe Europe's periphery he stands out in Guerrilla warfare. Disappointed by theRestoration, he rallied to Napoleon during The Hundred Days, who sent him to theVendée. This posting sustainably compromised him to the eyes of royalist power whichonly saw him as a Bonapartist general. Exiled, he only came back to France in 1818 and decided for a literary career as well as he tried to keep his position in society. Through contact with the liberal opposition, he joined politic in everyday life. This change of career was not obvious though. He only became a Member of Parliament in 1828. Hewas only recognized as a popular hero under July Monarchy.

This thesis examines the role of national defence in British parliamentary politics between 1794 and 1812. It suggests that previous analyses of the late eighteenth-century political milieu insufficiently explore the impact of war on the structure of the state. Work by J.E. Cookson, Linda Colley, J.C.D. Clark, and Paul Langford depicts a decentralised state that had little direct involvement in developing a popular “British” patriotism. Here I argue that the threat of a potential French invasion during the wars against Revolutionary and Napoleonic France provoked a drive for centralisation. Nearly all the defence measures enacted during the period gave the government a much greater degree of control over British manpower and resources. The readiness of successive governments to involve large sections of the nation in the war effort through military service, financial contributions, and appeals to the British “spirit”, resulted in a much more inclusive sense of citizenship in which questions of national participation and political franchise were unlinked. National identity was also affected, and the focus on military defence of the British Isles influenced political attitudes towards the regular army. By 1810, however, the nation was disillusioned by the lengthy struggle with France. The result of lingering political weakness was that attention shifted from national defence onto domestic corruption and venality. The aftermath of the Irish Act of Union, too, demonstrated the limits of attempts to centralise the policy of the whole United Kingdom. Significantly, however, the debates over the relationship between the centre and the localities in the 1830s and 1840s, and the response to a new French invasion threat in the 1850s and 1860s, revived themes addressed during the 1790s and 1800s. The political reaction to the invasion threats between 1794 and 1812 ultimately had more in common with a Victorian state bureaucracy than an eighteenth-century ancien régime.

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(in English): This diploma thesis examines Scandinavian countries at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries and the changes behind the Napoleonic wars. This study is interdisciplinary and combines history, geo-policy, cultural and area studies. The main attention is dedicated to Norway, which has been in Union with Denmark since the 14th century, but not at an equal position. Danish support of the emperor Napoleon and the Danish affiliation to the Continental blockade caused a famine in Norway, which led to society-wide changes. By the fall of Napoleon Denmark was defeated likewise and must have signed the Kiel Treaty that gave Norway to Sweden. However, the Swedish-Norwegian union was created ten months after, because the Norwegians claimed independence, summoned the parliament, created the constitution and chose the king. Using three different perspectives (cultural, social-economical and historic-political), this diploma analyses the background of the Nordic events, explore reasons for actors' behaviour and examines the determinations of Nordic countries behind these historic occasions. The study uses the framework of Miroslav Hroch's national-build theory and inspects if the Norwegian national-build process reached the level of mass movements and accomplished the conditions to become an...

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Historian David Bell recently suggested that scholars reconsider the impact of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars (1793-1815) upon modern culture, naming them the first "total war" in modern history. My thesis explores the significance of the wars specifically in the British mourning culture of the period by studying the war literature of four women writers: Anna Letitia Barbauld, Amelia Opie, Jane Austen, and Felicia Hemans. This paper further asks how these authors contributed to the development of a national consciousness studied by Georg Lukács, Benedict Anderson, and others. I argue that women had a representative experience of non-combatants' struggle to mourn war deaths occurring in relatively foreign lands and circumstances. Women writers recorded and contributed to this representative experience that aided the development of a national consciousness in its strong sense of shared anxieties and grief for soldiers. Excluded physically and experientially, women would have had an especially difficult time attempting to mourn combatant deaths while struggling to imagine the places and manners in which those deaths occurred, especially when no physical bodies came home to "testify" of their loved ones' experiences. Women writers' literary portraits of imagined women mourning those whose bodies never came home provide interesting insights into the strategies employed during the grieving process and ultimately demonstrate their contribution to a collective British consciousness based on mourning. The questions I explore in the first section of this thesis circle around the idea of women as writers and mourners: What were writers saying about war, death, and mourning? What common themes begin to appear in the women's Romantic war literature? And, perhaps most importantly, how did such mourning literature affect the growing sense of nationality coming out of this period? In the second section, I consider more precisely how these literary contributions affected mourning culture when no bodies were present for burial and advanced the development of a national consciousness that recognized the wars' "nobodies." How did women's experiences of being left behind and marginalized in the war efforts prepare them to conceptualize destructive mass deaths abroad, and, conceptualizing them, to mourn them?

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Napoleon’s defeat in 1813 generates a number of explanations from historians regarding why he lost this epic campaign which ultimately resulted in France losing control over the German states. Scholars discussing the French marshalate of the Napoleonic era frequently assert that these generals could not win battles without the emperor present. Accustomed to assuming a subordinate role under Bonaparte’s direct supervision, these commanders faltered when deprived of the strong hand of the master. This thesis contributes to this historiographical argument by positing that the pre-professional nature of Napoleon’s marshalate precluded them from adapting to the evolving nature of warfare during the First French Empire. Emerging from non-military backgrounds and deriving their capabilities solely from practical experience, the marshals failed to succeed at endeavors outside of their capacity. An examination of the military administration of the Old Regime, the effects of the French Revolution on the French generalate, and the circumstances under which Bonaparte labored when creating the imperial marshalate demonstrates that issues systemic to the French high command contributed to French defeat in 1813. This thesis also provides evidence that Napoleon understood this problem and attempted to better prepare his marshals for independent command by instructing them in his way of war during the 1813 campaign.

This work, the way its name suggests it, is intent on the theme of process of achievement of the Latin American states' independence of Spain and Portugal, and on situating of this process in the context of the events of this time in further world's parts, and mainly in the context of the policies of single powers which had, or could have, some interests in the said spaces. Likewise the name itself suggests, its chief interest is intent primarily on the period of the years 1815-1826. While in Europe the Napoleonic Wars had definitively ended, and a new order here was creating, according to principles of the Vienna Congress, and under the supervision of the Holy Alliance, Spanish America had gone through first phase of her own wars of liberation, and it could seem, on the beginning, the situation here was coming anew to profit of the Spanish monarchy, recuperating from the precedent years of the French rule and the war with French intruders. However, the struggle of independence of single Hispanic-American states was continuing, like the Portuguese Brazil reached for own independence of colonial metropolis as well. In the Spanish America's case, Spain, really isolated, despite the negative attitudes of the Holy Alliance's monarchical governments towards the development in her oversea possessions, and...

Posant la question de l’enracinement napoléonien entre Rhin et Meuse (1810-1814), ce travail est, du fait de sa nature franco-allemande, différent des nombreuses études consacrées, depuis le XIXe siècle, au traitement de l’opinion publique. Il l’est également dans la mesure où il se fixe pour objectif de répondre, de manière comparative et dans un cadre transnational (France, Allemagne, Belgique, Luxembourg), à la question du rôle joué par l’opinion publique dans l’apogée du régime napoléonien (1810), puis dans son effondrement (1814). Au moyen de l’approche prônée par l’Histoire croisée, nous avons dégagé un certain nombre d’indices qui, sous l’Empire, nous semblent avoir été autant de pommes de discorde. De cette étude, il ressort tout d’abord qu’il existait des éléments structurels constituant, indépendamment de la conjoncture économique et de la politique napoléonienne, un frein à l’enracinement du nouveau régime. Il s’agit du fossé culturel et du souvenir des dominations d’Ancien Régime (Prusse, Autriche). Ensuite, les éléments relatifs à la politique (centralisation, ordre social, système économique) révèlent en quoi, indépendamment des structures et de la conjoncture, le régime napoléonien parvenait ou non à se faire progressivement accepter aussi bien des « anciens Français » que des « nouveaux Français » vivant dans les départements réunis. Enfin, les éléments conjoncturels se devaient également d’être abordés, indépendamment des précédents. Dans l’optique que soit définitivement tournée la page exagérée des histoires nationalistes, nous nous sommes attachés à écrire ce que l’on pourrait finalement considérer comme une Histoire ouest-européenne de l’opinion publique à l’époque napoléonienne. / Owing to its Franco-German nature, this historical study, which analyses the Napoleonic system’s implantation between Rhine and Maas (1810-1814), differs from the numerous studies devoted to public opinion since the 19th century. It is different in the sense that it innovatively sets out to address, from a comparative angle and within a transnational framework (France, Germany, Belgium and Luxembourg), the question of the part played by public opinion between climax (1810) and fall (1814) of the Napoleonic regime. By means of ‘Histoire croisée’, I have identified a certain number of fields which seem to have been, under the Napoleonic Empire, quite contentious issues. From this study emerges, first of all, that structural elements, independent of economic cycles and Napoleonic policies alike, curbed the new regime’s rooting. Instead, the latter was hampered both by cultural gaps and the memory of the preceding rule of the ‘Ancien Régime’ (Prussia, Austria). Second, the elements concerning the polity (centralisation, social order and economic system) reveal to what extent, independent of both structural elements and the economic situation, the Napoleonic regime succeeded, or failed to succeed, in being progressively accepted by ‘old Frenchmen’ as well as by ‘new Frenchmen’, i.e. those who had become annexed by the Republic and then found themselves being subjects of the Empire. Finally, the economic factors are addresses, independent, once again, of the previous ones. Leaving behind histories traditionally nationalist in tone, the present thesis may be considered as a Western European History on public opinion during the Napoleonic era. / Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit der Frage nach der napoleonischen Verwurzelung zwischen Rhein und Maas (1810-1814) und unterscheidet sich aufgrund ihrer deutsch-französischen Natur von vielen anderen historischen Studien, die sich seit dem 19. Jahrhundert mit der öffentlichen Meinung beschäftigen. Sie hebt sich auch in der Hinsicht ab, als dass sie eine neue Fragestellung verfolgt, nämlich jene nach der öffentlichen Meinung zwischen dem Höhepunkt (1810) und in dem Zusammenbruch (1814) des napoleonischen Regimes, der mit einem komparativen Ansatz und in einem transnationalen Rahmen (Deutschland, Frankreich, Belgien, Luxemburg) nachgegangen wird. Mithilfe des Ansatzes der Histoire croisée wird eine Reihe Themen untersucht, welche schon unter Napoleons Empire Zankäpfel gewesen zu sein scheinen. Aus dieser Studie geht als Erstes hervor, dass einige Strukturmerkmale unabhängig von der wirtschaftlichen Konjunktur und von der napoleonischen Politik die Verwurzelung des neuen Regimes begrenzten. Hierbei geht es um kulturelle Gräben und um die Erinnerung an die vorangegangene Herrschaft der vorrevolutionären Regime (Preußen, Österreich). Als Zweites wird anhand mehrerer auf die Politik bezogener Parameter (Zentralisierung, soziale Ordnung, Wirtschaftssystem) untersucht, inwieweit es dem napoleonischen Regime gelungen ist, unabhängig von strukturellen und ökonomischen Faktoren, sowohl unter „Altfranzosen“ wie auch unter der durch französische Annektionen zu „Neufranzosen“ gewordenen Bevölkerung Akzeptanz zu finden. Darüber hinaus wurden die konjunkturell bedingten Faktoren analysiert, wiederum unabhängig von den vorigen Elementen. Im Kontrast zur stark nationalistisch geprägten Historiographie des 19. Jahrhunderts wird hier eine Arbeit vorgelegt, die als eine westeuropäische Untersuchung zur öffentlichen Meinung im napoleonischen Zeitalter Napoleons betrachtet werden darf.