Cette étude constitue un suivi longitudinal prospectif d’une cohorte de dyades de mères présentant un trouble de personnalité borderline avec leur enfant, dans une approche comparative avec unepopulation contrôle de dyades avec des mères sans trouble psychique. Elle a pour but d’éclairer le fonctionnement intrapsychique des mères et des bébés par l’étude des interactions précoces entre les mères borderline et leur bébé de trois mois. La grossesse représente une véritable crise identitaire et narcissique nécessitant un réaménagement des imagos maternels. Celui-ci ébranle l’identité de ces mères borderline déjà fragilisée par un narcissisme défaillant. Le bébé impose une relation de dépendance de laquelle la mère ne peut s’extraire. Les interactions précoces entre ces mères et leur bébé sont décrites comme étant teintées par l’intrusivité et la répétitivité, et reflètent leur incapacité à s’accorder aux rythmes propres et aux mouvements affectifs de leur enfant. Elles seraient en difficulté au sein d’un partage intersubjectif troublé pour aider le bébé à réguler ses émotions. Cette étude a aussi pour but d’éclairer la manière dont les comportements d’attachement de ces enfants, à 13 mois, s’ancrent dans la particularité de ces dysfonctionnements interactifs. L’évaluation des représentations d’attachement chez ces enfants, âgés de 4 à 8 ans, met en lumière différentes évolutions dans la qualité de leur attachement. Enfin, une approche psychodynamique de leurs récits, au test des histoires à compléter, éclaire les particularités de leur fonctionnement psychique. / This study comprises a prospective longitudinal exploration of a cohort of mother-child dyads with mothers with borderline personality disorder, compared with a control group of dyads in which mothers don’t display any psychological disorder. The aim of this study is to elucidate the early intrapsychic functioning of these mothers and infants through the study of the early interactions between these borderline mothers and their three-month-old infants. Pregnancy represents a powerful crisis, both of identity and narcissism, necessitating a reorganization of the maternal imago. It weakens the identity of mothers suffering from borderline personality disorder who are already debilitated by a failing narcissism. The infant imposes a relationship of dependence on its mother, from which she cannot extricate herself. The early mother-infant interactions are described as being imbued with intrusion and repetition, which reflect the mother’s incapacity to attune herself to the distinct rhythms and emotional movements of her child. They show difficulties at the heart of a troubled sharing of intersubjectivity to help the infant to regulate its emotions. This study endeavours to expound the way in which the attachment behaviours of these 13 month-old infants are embedded in the distinctive features of these dysfunctional interactions. The evaluation of the attachment representations of these children, aged from 4 to 8 years, draws light on different evolutions in the quality of their attachment. Ultimately, a psychodynamic approach of their narratives during the Attachment Story Stem Battery reveals the features of their psychological functioning.

My dissertation challenges the longstanding dismissal of love in James Joyce's texts by examining the ethical and political implications of his love stories. Primarily using Martin Buber's works (but also including perspectives derived from bell hooks and Julia Kristeva), I define love as an affirmation of otherness and adopt a critical framework that promotes the love of others over the narcissistic devotion to oneself. In so doing, I highlight love as the ultimate challenge to authoritarian systems because the embrace of the other is necessary to transcend the boundaries that alienate individuals from each other and that justify imperialist and racist political structures. I thus offer a love ethic that not only compels meaningful individual interaction, but also establishes a model for effective social and civic participation, encouraging a climate of cooperation that embraces the solidarity and empathy needed for progressive politics. I also argue that analyzing Joyce's works provides a fruitful opportunity to recognize the individual and political viability of this love ethic. Focusing on Dubliners, Stephen Hero, A Portrait of the Artist as a Young Man, Exiles, and Ulysses, I examine the relationships between his characters' pursuits of love and their socio-political struggles, arguing that their love for others directly influences their acceptance of otherness within the colonialist discourses of Joyce's Dublin. For example, James Duffy's refusal of Emily Sinico in "A Painful Case" also rejects her advice to engage in the political cooperation that would promote his socialist ideas. Similarly, Stephen Dedalus's promotion of symbolic romance over real-world attachments focuses his aesthetics on ideal beauty instead of everyday Dublin, which alienates him from his audience and limits the practical success of his art. By contrast, Leopold Bloom's love for his wife Molly reflects a broader empathy for others that encourages social dialogue and counteracts what Joyce called "the old pap of racial hatred," an element in both British imperialism and Irish nationalism. My dissertation's afterword anticipates the amorous potential of Finnegans Wake, reading ALP's concluding soliloquy as a demonstration of her enduring affection for HCE that is reignited through each iteration of the text's cyclical narrative.

This historical study analyses the holistic dynamics of Ethiopia, taking into account political, social, economic, cultural, religious, and media development aspects, with a focus on the three most recent governments (1930–2014), in relation to freedom of expression. The analysis indicates that the Feudalist-Imperial system was clearly the extension of centuries-old imperial hegemony which had used religious, cultural and patriotic hegemony to stifle freedom of expression. During the Socialist-Military regime every sphere of society, including acts of expression, were oriented towards the revolution and socialist political ideology. During the current ethnically based so-called Revolutionary-Democratic regime, freedom of expression has been stifled by means of legislation, government and party structures, complex surveillance, and social networks. While the instruments of repression have differed, relatively speaking, from government to government, the extent of repression has remained similar over a number of centuries. Threats to freedom of expression derive from rulers or governments, in which instances they are entrenched through policies, laws and bureaucracies, from religious and cultural hegemonies, from poverty and a related lack of education and access to information, and from conflicts, rivalry and wars. These threats have their origins in three main interrelated causal or determining factors, namely the Certainty–Uncertainty Dilemma, Ethno-Luminary Thought and Narcissism, which together form a pyramid beneath which freedom of expression in Ethiopia has been trapped. This pyramid is identified in the study as the Social Pyramid, or the Pyramid of Repression Instruments, and it in turn gives rise to an overall web of suppression, that is, the Pyramid Trap of Repression. The study concludes that the repression of freedom of expression in Ethiopia is likely to remain intact, insofar as the threats to freedom of expression and the factors giving rise to those threats persist. While limited gains concerning the right to freedom of expression are achieved periodically, these are routinely undone and rolled back, since the Pyramid Trap of Repression is not dismantled. / In hierdie historiese studie word die holistiese dinamika van Etiopië ontleed, met inagneming van politieke, sosiale, ekonomiese, kulturele, religieuse, en media-ontwikkelingsaspekte. Daar word op die drie mees onlangse regerings (1930–2014) gefokus, ten opsigte van vrye meningsuiting. Die ontleding dui daarop dat die feodalisties-imperialistiese stelsel duidelik die uitbreiding van eeue-oue imperialistiese hegemonie was wat religieuse, kulturele en patriotiese hegemonie gebruik het om vrye meningsuiting te onderdruk. Gedurende die sosialisties-militêre regime was elke sfeer van die samelewing, insluitende dade van uitdrukking, georiënteer tot die revolusie en sosialisties-politieke ideologie. Tydens die huidige, etnies gebaseerde sogenaamde revolusionêr-demokratiese regime, is vrye meningsuiting onderdruk deur wetgewing, regering- en partystrukture, komplekse bewaking, en sosiale netwerke. Hoewel die instrumente van onderdrukking relatief gesproke verskil het van regering tot regering, het die mate van onderdrukking oor ʼn aantal eeue heen soortgelyk gebly. Bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting is afkomstig van heersers of regerings (en in sulke gevalle word hulle beveilig deur beleide, wette en burokrasieë), van religieuse en kulturele hegemonieë, van armoede en ʼn verwante gebrek aan opvoeding en toegang tot inligting, en van konflikte, mededinging en oorloë. Hierdie bedreigings het ontstaan vanweë drie vernaamste kousale of bepalende faktore wat onderling verwant is, naamlik die sekerheid-onsekerheid-dilemma, etno-voorligter-denke en narsisme, wat gesamentlik ʼn piramide vorm waaronder vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië vasgevang is. Hierdie piramide word in die studie as die sosiale piramide, of die piramide van onderdrukkingsinstrumente, geïdentifiseer, en dit lei op sy beurt tot ʼn algehele web van onderdrukking – die piramidelokval van onderdrukking. Die gevolgtrekking van die studie is dat die onderdrukking van vrye meningsuiting in Etiopië waarskynlik onaangeroer gaan bly, so lank as wat die bedreigings vir vrye meningsuiting en die faktore wat tot daardie bedreigings aanleiding gee, onveranderd bly. Hoewel beperkte suksesse van tyd tot tyd behaal word rakende die reg tot vrye meningsuiting, word sulke prestasies dikwels ongedaan gemaak, omdat die piramidelokval van onderdrukking nie afgebreek word nie. / Communication Science / D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)