Before the direct contact with Europe, the area of present-day south-eastern Nigeria was inhabited by a dispersed population limited to only village or local consciousness but in 1967 representatives of this region declared the independent state of Biafra with the intention to separate from Nigeria which indicates strong collective consciousness. The bearers of this consciousness consider themselves to be Igbo and the collectivity has features of a nation. Therefore it is the Igbo national consciousness I deal with in this thesis. In the theoretical introduction I situate a nation within the sphere of ideas. The historiographic part of the thesis examines how the Igbo nation came into existence. It deals with traditional culture, trade, missionary activity, education, colonial administration, migration, decolonization and politics in independent Nigeria. The second, semiologic part is based on my research among the Igbos in Prague and focuses on the contemporary means for the inter-subjective maintenance of their national consciousness. I try to explain it using a concept of national symbols which can be understood as narratives supporting the idea of continuity, strengthening of borders and assuring the internal homogeneity as distinguished from the external differences.

The aim of this thesis is to examine how the construction of the swedish national self-image can be interpreted in relation to the protests against the russian anti-gay laws, leading up to the olympic games in Sotji 2014. I form a basis for my analysis in Jasbir K. Puars conceptual frame of homonationalism and examine the swedish political action Live and Let Love that took place at Stockholms Stadion in the fall of 2013. The analysis shows how the inclusion of a homonormative homosexuality becomes an important factor for the construction of Sweden as an open and tolerant nation in contrast to Russia as a non tolerant nation. This construction of "us" and the "Other" manifests through a discourse of tolerance. The national sense of community is formed through interaction between national symbols and symbols of the LGBT community.

This thesis analyzes and demonstrates the similarities and differences between some of the national symbols of France and the United States. This includes the shared and borrowed aspects of each one and the ways in which each culture is reflected through, and built around them. The flags, national anthems, and several national icons such as France's Marianne and Uncle Sam are discussed. This analysis deals with the historical contexts and cultural meanings of the symbols, showing the changes each has undertaken in form and in national and international importance. Through the study of national symbols, this thesis reveals the similarities along with the differences between the two nations, which are often perceived as being highly dissimilar and even opposing in belief systems, cultures, and histories.

Abstract In this thesis, various meanings of representations of homeland and nation were explored from a view of symbolic anthropology and social constructionism. The main research material consists of interviews of 16 Norwegians and 21 Finns, including musicians and other active members of Black Metal and Folk Metal subcultures. The interviews were conducted in 2010–2012. In these subcultures, the most important symbols of homeland and nation were associated with the past and nature. Symbols were given meanings in different ways, also politically, although disagreements regarding politics at a subcultural cubcultural context. Political goals were, for example, resistance to immigration, nature conservation and promoting the home region. Although these subcultures positioned themselves as counterculture, they reproduced national meanings of the mainstream cultures. Members of the subcultures often identified themselves with 19th century National Romantics. According to them, National Romantic ideas had become suspect or forbidden in Finland and Norway after the Second World War. However, the views of the informants were radically different from each other and even some commonly shared ideas were strongly criticized in the subcultures. Based on the interview materials, level of commitment varied in the subcultures. For some informants, black metal was a comprehensive way of life. For others, it meant just good music or a chance to promote folklore. The most extreme statements came from Finnish Black Metal musicians and fans. Some of them even supported National Socialism. On the other hand, Finnish Folk Metal musicians were opposed to more extreme ideas. In general, Norwegian informants emphasized National Romanticism more than Finnish informants. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin symbolisen antropologian ja sosiaalisen konstruktionismin näkökulmasta kotimaan ja kansakunnan representaatioiden moninaisia merkityksiä black metal- ja folk metal -alakulttuureissa. Tärkeimmän aineiston muodostavat 16 norjalaisen ja 21 suomalaisen muusikon tai muuten alakulttuureissa toimivan henkilön haastattelut, jotka toteutettiin vuosina 2010–2012. Keskeiset alakulttuureissa käytetyt kotimaan ja kansakunnan symbolit liittyvät esikristilliseen muinaisuuteen ja luontoon. Symboleita merkityksellistetään eri tavoin, myös poliittisesti, vaikka politiikan yhdistämistä alakulttuuriin myös vastustetaan. Poliittisia päämääriä olivat muun muassa maahanmuuton vastustaminen, luonnonsuojelu ja kotiseudun tunnetuksi tekeminen. Tutkimuksessa kävi ilmi, että vaikka alakulttuurit asemoivat itsensä vastakulttuuriksi, niissä uusinnetaan valtakulttuurissa tuotettuja kansallisuuden merkityksiä. Monet haastatellut samaistuivat 1800-luvun kansallisromantikkojen ajatuksiin, joiden he kokivat muuttuneet arveluttaviksi ja kielletyiksi toisen maailmansodan jälkeisessä Suomessa ja Norjassa. Kuitenkin haastateltujen näkemyksissä oli suuria eroja, ja monet myös esittivät ankaraa kritiikkiä alakulttuureissa jaettuja käsityksiä kohtaan. Aineiston perusteella haastatellut ovat sitoutuneet alakulttuureihinsa hyvin eri tavoin. Toisille etenkin black metal edustaa kokonaisvaltaista elämäntapaa ja ideologiaa. Toisille metallimusiikki on pelkästään hyvää musiikkia tai keino tehdä kansanperinnettä tunnetuksi. Äärimmäisimpiä mielipiteitä esittivät suomalaiset blackmetalistit, joista osa tunnustautui kansallissosialismin kannattajiksi. Suomalaiset folkmetalistit osoittautuivat ääriajattelun vastustajiksi. Norjalaiset haastatellut korostivat kansallisromantiikan merkitystä enemmän kuin suomalaiset.

The thesis deal with transformations of st. Wenceslas symbol and his cult in the Czech press around breaking points of Czech 20th century history. It asks about impact of contemporary policy and incidents on presentation of st. Wenceslas symbol, then about parts of st. Wenceslas cult and finally about connection of this symbol with other national symbols. The thesis is based on the assumtion that national identity is constructed through collective memory of members of the nation, appropriate symbology and history interpretation. Research uses qualitative metods (discourse analysis). Sample is made of Czech (mostly) statewide press articles that are related to st. Wenceslas and his cult, from the period around the st. Wenceslas day (28th September), in several years intervals around appointed breaking points (1918, 1938, 1939, 1945, 1948, 1968 and 1989). It has been found that 1. st. Wenceslas symbol represents unchanging connection of the church and the nation in the case of Catholic perspective, 2. in danger it mobilizes and symbolizes the statehood and the strength of the nation in case of the nationalistic use and 3. it can support legitimity of new established regime. The national symbology is connected with some conservative and nationalistic approach, st. Wenceslas symbol also with religion,...

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Victoria University (Melbourne, Vic.), 2006. / Includes bibliographical references.