<p>The Organic Citizen investigates an underlying environmentalist sensibility that links texts and discourses from varied realms and disciplines - Indian reform, environmental policy, social reform, ecology, sociology and legislation. I contend that, taken together, these works narrate an ecological vision of national affiliation: a concept of the nation as an ecological, natural zone of interdependence and its citizens (or non-citizen inhabitants) as members of this environmentally-conceptualized nation. This shared narrative of natural collectivity gives rise to what I call an "organic citizen" - the literary-political figure of an individual imagined to be a natural member of an ecological national body. I show that this concept of eco-citizenship both informs and is informed by contemporaneous concepts of indigeneity (what it means to be native) and by the actual political positioning of the American Indian in the U.S. citizenry throughout the century.</p><p>In five chapters, I argue that environmentalism is a site in which subjectivity is shaped, initially establishing modes of assimilative collectivity at the turn of the last century and later providing a realm in which the terms of subject affiliation may be analyzed and revised. I show how environmentalist discourse is profoundly connected to democratic practice and membership and how it formulates models of citizen collectivity. I contend that this discourse encompasses significantly more than a narrowly defined set of conservationist concerns for ecological entities, and can be used as a site of activism. Certain forms of stories - narratives that question these terms of national affiliation- expose the nuances of environmentalist thought. This type of storytelling offers a means through which environmentalist thought can become a realm of citizen engagement or activist possibility, opening access to and agency within a participatory democracy. An examination of this eco-narrative, I suggest, provides useful insights into how land use and rhetoric give definition to the way U.S. citizenship is socially imagined, legally adjudicated, and independently or communally practiced in a democratic system.</p><p>The first chapter examines the simultaneous emergence of wilderness narratives with the science of ecology and discourses concerned about national and geographical assimilation of communities and individuals of ethnic difference. I draw upon the writings of social reformers, particularly Jane Addams, ecologists Henry Chandler Cowles and Frederick Clements, and environmentalists John Muir and Gifford Pinchot. Together, I argue they demonstrate how immigrant and impoverished subjects living in urban zones were rhetorically imagined and physically and metaphorically associated with natural entities. I contend that this literal naturalization makes immigrant presence less threatening to a national collective by converting these bodies and places into natural resources to be consumed for nationalist purposes. This version of citizenship imagines collectivity as a form of organicism, a process by which foreign subjects and non-citizens can be incorporated into a citizenry as natural resources while not necessarily legally constituted as citizens of the nation.</p><p>While the rhetoric surrounding land use began to take new political, constitutional and sociocultural form in the first wave of a formal environmental movement, there simultaneously was a dramatic jurisprudential shift in Indian status in the U.S. This chapter explores how the formulation of an "organic citizen" at the turn of the century draws upon circulating concepts of indigeneity. I bring together Indian reform policy, specifically the Dawes Allotment Act, environmental policy, particularly the Antiquities Act, and fictional writings by Mary Austin and George Bird Grinnell. These narratives demonstrate the consistency with which American Indians were imagined as organically connected to natural lands. I argue that the result is a concept of indigenous organicism that is predicated upon the Indian being publicly, although uncomfortably, imagined as a natural constituent of a citizenry and Indian land as a natural part of a national body. Chapter Three examines the fictional and political writings of Zitkala-Sa and Charles Eastman to consider how they use stories and their public roles to analyze the legal and discursive connections between an environmentalist sensibility and concepts of indigeneity. I contend that Eastman and Zitkala-Sa begin to use a language of rights and democracy within this eco-discourse as a way to insert the native as a rights-bearing citizen in the U.S. nation, putting forth a race analysis that ultimately disrupts the idea of ecological assimilation prevalent at the time. Reading their work alongside key environmental policies, like the Organic Act of 1916, Indian reforms, like the Citizenship Act of 1924, and Willa Cather's novel The Professor's House highlights the persistence of a concept of natural indigeneity that continued to be narrated even after American Indians are given legal citizenship. </p><p>Eastman's and Zitkala-Sa's use of the environmentalist/native link as a means for race critique falls out of environmentalist thought and practice in a critical moment of transition in the environmental movement. Their use of storytelling and sense of political right, however, lays the foundation for the type of environmental narrative that emerges with the second stage of the environmental movement. My fourth chapter shifts to this moment, focusing on Aldo Leopold's A Sand County Almanac (1949) and Rachel Carson's Silent Spring (1962). I argue that both authors use an environmental narrative, particularly storytelling, as a means to imagine citizen engagement in a participatory democracy. However, while Leopold and Carson incorporate a language of political rights, they do not carefully factor into their versions of national/ecological belonging and action the ways in which race and class identities affect the social, political, and legal standing of various subjects within the eco-nation. </p><p>My final chapter explores how a race and class critique in environmentalist thought and politics returns in the last quarter of the twentieth century. I draw from significant legislation and Supreme Court opinions that explicitly defined the political rights of ecological objects and species, such as Sierra Club v. Morton, the Endangered Species Act, and a series of legal battles that emerged around the construction of the Tellico Dam, particularly the Cherokees' resistance to its development. These documents and cases deliberate over the political standing and rights of natural, non-human entities, but they circumnavigate engagement with questions of political standing for geographically and socially marginalized human citizens in the U.S., although this issue is implicitly present and strategically drawn upon in their arguments. This lost component takes shape and political articulation in the following emergence of the environmental justice movement. The politics of voice - "speaking for oneself" - that emerges particularly out of indigenous environmental justice movements highlights the use of storytelling as an activist practice. In their careful novelization of environmental activism, Linda Hogan's Solar Storms (1995) and Ruth Ozeki's All Over Creation (2003) not only pinpoint the interconnections, but also the injustices that arise out of the way human and ecological subjectivities are legally and culturally constructed. I argue that both authors use the literary form to model how stories and the act of storytelling allow for the articulation of and/or resistance to certain terms of national affiliation. Both Hogan's and Ozeki's novels bring forth an expanded sense of environmentalism, showing that storytelling can redefine our roles as U.S. citizens and position ourselves as active agents in democratic discourse, policy-making and change. </p><p>We are living in another pivotal moment of environmentalist thought as new attention is given to the way environmental conditions are deteriorating and as popular culture begins to take interest in these issues. It is crucial that Literary Studies rigorously engage with these issues to examine the kinds of narratives being generated. While Ecocriticism and Native American Studies have remained somewhat marginalized from the core of Literary Studies, this project (particularly in this moment) argues that these types of criticism and theory have an imperative role to play in illuminating narratives of identity, nation, and citizenship.</p> / Dissertation

This paper aims to explore male abusers of intimate violence in Taiwanese- Vietnamese Marriages, and discuss opinions of their marriage and violated behaviors under the social structure. Hence, the research tries to figure out: 1.in what ways do these male-partners deal with the intimate violence and respond to potential changes of their marriages? 2.what are their strategies to maintain their power and masculinity in their marriage? 3.what would be the obstruction in their intimate relationship? With in-depth interview of six Taiwanese husbands, the results show that the imagination of perfect marriage in these male-partners¡¦ mind is full of the traditional gender vision. That¡¦s why these male-partners tend to reinforce the intimate violence when they find their partners couldn¡¦t fit in with the ideal model. In fact, these male abusers could deny all counts about their violated behaviors later. Besides, male-partners even use ¡¨gender¡¨ and ¡§nationality¡¨ to rationalize their behaviors, such as accusing their female-partners with horrible family concepts, unfaithful, engaging in prostitution, cheating, and over- aggressive.

My research builds upon interdisciplinary trends in Native scholarship emphasizing tribal-specificity; attention to understudied periods, writers, and texts; and a political commitment to engage contemporary challenges facing Indigenous communities. My dissertation examines the persistence of nationhood in Cherokee writing between the dissolution of the Cherokee government preceding Oklahoma statehood in 1907 and political reorganization in the early 1970s. Situating writing by John Milton Oskison, Rachel Caroline Eaton, Rollie Lynn Riggs and Ruth Muskrat Bronson explicitly within the Cherokee national contexts of its emergence, I attend to the complicated ways they each remembered, imagined, narrated and enacted Cherokee nationhood in the absence of a functioning state. Often read as a transitional “dark age” in Cherokee history, this period stands instead as a rich archive of Cherokee national memory capable of informing contemporary debates in the Cherokee Nation and Native Studies today. / text

As colonized peoples Native Americans have had a complicated relationship to the United States. They have faced the question of whether they should demand tribal independence or embrace American citizenship. During the early 1970s, when radical ethnic and political movements occupied center stage in the United States, and in 1992, when the 500 year anniversary of Columbus discovery of America was celebrated, the issue of Indian American identification was actualized. The various possible ways in which Native Americans could identify in relation to the United States made their identification often seem contradictory. The same group and even the same individual could  identify as both part of and apart from the United States. Likewise, the same event could trigger different identifications in relation to the United States. How can this be explained? In this thesis I offer an explanation of Indian American identification that combines the perspectives of world view and historical context. Native Americans have related to two different world views, a Western world view which imagines a world made up of states, and a "traditional" Indian world view which imagines a world made up of peoples placed on their lands by the Creator. Different ways of understanding the world impacted how Native Americans understood "America," as USA or Indian ancestral homelands. Different world views provided different images of Native American relationship to the United States. These images could be put forward or be actualized in different contexts. The historical context influenced which images were most commonly chosen. During the 1970s, given the period's generally revolutionary discourse, more separatist images were prominent. In 1992, when a government-to-government relationship between tribal and federal governments was firmly established, Indians chose a more inclusive relationship to the Untied States.

We live in a time marked by ecological precarity and crisis. Critical scholars of the Anthropocene have identified extractivism and its associated ideology of human exceptionalism as driving forces behind these crises. This thesis joins a call to develop naturalcultural theory – ways of conceptualizing the more-than-human world and our place in it as humans that do not rely on longstanding distinctions between “Nature” and “Culture.” Moreover, scholars and activists have clearly outlined the urgent need for us to change the way we live with nonhumans. As a step towards such new ways of living with nonhumans, in this project I study how foragers foster multispecies ethics through their encounters with nonhumans, using multispecies ethnography as my primary methodology. In this thesis, I develop a theoretical framework through which to understand forager-plant interactions, informed by my experiences in the field interviewing and observing foragers as they harvest plants and directly studying the plants that my participants frequently interacted with. I tentatively propose a distinction between extractive and non-extractive approaches to foraging. Overall, I suggest viewing plants and humans as living-persons who are tangled in a field of socioecological relations to one another. Through partial and intermittent encounters, they become contaminated and adopt new habits that affect their future interactions with other living-persons. This has important implications for how we conceive of ethics as only incorporating nonhumans as objects of ethical consideration rather than ethical subjects in their own right.

No / Though India and Pakistan emerged as independent nation states sixty years ago, debates about the basis of Indian and Pakistani nationhood continue to reverberate through the politics of the two countries. Pakistan has been wracked by disputes over identity from its very inception. It split into two countries in 1971 when the eastern wing broke away to form Bangladesh. It has since been wrestling with issues of Punjabi dominance and Islamisation, which have put minorities of all sorts on the defensive. Independent India under Nehru¿s leadership proclaimed secular and egalitarian goals but theory and practice were often divergent. In recent years, the success of Hindu nationalist forces at the polls has raised new and uncomfortable questions for Indian minorities too. In Fault Lines of Nationhood, Gyanendra Pandey and Yunas Samad reflect on the construction of national identity in India and Pakistan from colonial times to the present day and examine how the working of democracy has created new majorities and minorities and helped to politicise issues of religion and ethnicity, region and language, class and caste. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the dynamics of state building in India and Pakistan and the conflicting demands of national unity and social and political inclusiveness.

Interaction between South Africa's government policy and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's mission policy from 1948 tot 1954 were analysed. This interaction proved simbiotic. To meet black people's needs - seen as disrupted through straying from their ancestry - and to prove the credibility of apartheid, government appointed the Tomlinson Commission. They found christian mission to do wonders towards changing black people's so called attitude of obstinacy and therefore proposed a vital role to christian mission in realization of the Bantu Development Programme. Thus government and church became team members defining christian mission as answering to a Godly call to custodianship over black people seen as of a lesser race. Custodianship ends when black people reached a stage of self sufficiency. Meantime church members were challenged to bring offerings of missionary acts. This call resulted in missionary involvement of many church members and stirred a missiological revival in the N G Church. / Interaksie tussen Suid-A:frikaanse staatsbeleid en Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk-sendingbeleid tussen 1948 en 1954 is geanaliseer. Hierdie interaksie is simbioties bevind. Om swartmense - gesien as ontwrig weens vervreemding van hulle afstamming - se behoeftes aan te spreek asook die kredietwaardigheid van apartheid te bewys, benoem die owerheid die Tomlinsonkommissie. Hulle bevind christelike sending doen wonders om swartmense se sogenaamde onwil te verander en verleen daarom aan christelike sending 'n sleutelrol in die Bantoegebiede-ontwikkelingsgprogram. Sodoende word kerk en staat spanmaats en word sending gedefinieer as 'n Godgegewe roeping tot voogdyskap oor swartmense wat as 'n mindere ras gesien is. V oogdyskap eindig wanneer swartmense selfstandigheid bereik het. Tussentyd word lid.mate opgeroep tot sendingofferdade. Hierdie oproep het tot grootskaalse sendingbetrokkenheid en sendingherlewing in die N G Kerk gelei. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / Th. M. (Sendingwetenskap)

The master thesis Foreigners in Europe: Discourse Analysis of Construction of "Foreigners" in News in Newspapers Die Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung and Lidové noviny deals with the discourse in which the category of foreigner is constituted in the media. National identity, cultural pluralism and citizenship belong to a very progressive area of social science research recently, with wide range of use in public policy, politics, economy or business. The aim of this theses is to identify the discursive constructions used when defining foreigner and to contextualize this foreigner discourse to the German, Czech a European identity. The Critical Discourse Studies as well as an interdisciplinary approach are used, explaining the discourse from the perspectives of national identity, cultural identity and multiculturalism. The results of the grounded theory analysis are applied to the particular discursive constructions and approaches. Also, a new hypothesis - possibly for future verification - is postulated in this thesis. The master thesis presents the hypothesis for potential further research.

Acts of commemoration construct narratives of collective memory and identity, shaped by organisers' agendas. Existing literature presumes that organisers primarily use commemoration for national political, social and cultural outcomes. Contemporary commemoration, however, takes place in times of a contested role of the nation for collective memory and identity, while events are commonly used for economic outcomes in addition to political, social and cultural ones. There is hence not enough research that explores the roles and uses of contemporary commemorative events. Drawing primarily on literature from the nascent fields of memory studies and event studies, this qualitative constructionist research explores how narratives of collective memory and identity emerge at commemorative events of the fall of the Berlin Wall in the major anniversary years of 2009 and 2014. These events are an interesting and suitable context for the research as they were the first events of this kind and commemoration of the Wall poses various challenges due to the Wall's shifting meanings. Findings from a semiotic analysis of the events suggest that these events construct narratives beyond the national dimension. By interpreting the historical events to be rooted in Berlin and of international significance, strong local and international identity narratives are constructed. Findings from a thematic analysis of documents and interviews with organisers illustrate that organisers use the events for branding and event tourism development. This research argues that such emerging uses of commemoration play a significant role for the commemorative narrative. The findings further illustrate the permeable nature of the state-sponsored narrative in Berlin and the now consolidated role of Wall-related memory for local identity construction. The research contributes to the theoretical understanding of commemorative events in general and Berlin Wall commemoration in particular, as well as of contemporary German national identity. It further makes a methodological contribution on the use of semiotics in this context. An applied contribution on implications for the management of commemorative events is also made.

Interaction between South Africa's government policy and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's mission policy from 1948 tot 1954 were analysed. This interaction proved simbiotic. To meet black people's needs - seen as disrupted through straying from their ancestry - and to prove the credibility of apartheid, government appointed the Tomlinson Commission. They found christian mission to do wonders towards changing black people's so called attitude of obstinacy and therefore proposed a vital role to christian mission in realization of the Bantu Development Programme. Thus government and church became team members defining christian mission as answering to a Godly call to custodianship over black people seen as of a lesser race. Custodianship ends when black people reached a stage of self sufficiency. Meantime church members were challenged to bring offerings of missionary acts. This call resulted in missionary involvement of many church members and stirred a missiological revival in the N G Church. / Interaksie tussen Suid-A:frikaanse staatsbeleid en Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk-sendingbeleid tussen 1948 en 1954 is geanaliseer. Hierdie interaksie is simbioties bevind. Om swartmense - gesien as ontwrig weens vervreemding van hulle afstamming - se behoeftes aan te spreek asook die kredietwaardigheid van apartheid te bewys, benoem die owerheid die Tomlinsonkommissie. Hulle bevind christelike sending doen wonders om swartmense se sogenaamde onwil te verander en verleen daarom aan christelike sending 'n sleutelrol in die Bantoegebiede-ontwikkelingsgprogram. Sodoende word kerk en staat spanmaats en word sending gedefinieer as 'n Godgegewe roeping tot voogdyskap oor swartmense wat as 'n mindere ras gesien is. V oogdyskap eindig wanneer swartmense selfstandigheid bereik het. Tussentyd word lid.mate opgeroep tot sendingofferdade. Hierdie oproep het tot grootskaalse sendingbetrokkenheid en sendingherlewing in die N G Kerk gelei. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / Th. M. (Sendingwetenskap)