Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 2006 / Includes bibliographical references (p. 459-512). Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2007. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed May 10, 2007). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 114-118).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2000. / Typescript. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 326-342). Also available on the Internet.

The aim of this essay is to investigate what sort of political regimes that have been taking form in Russia and Turkey during the 21st century. Hence, it studies the development that has been taking place in both countries during the last ten years. This essay is doing so by using a comparative approach. The theoretical frame of the essay is inspired by Silander’s (2012) dimensions for a democratic regime. The dimensions are leadership, political parties and civil society. Furthermore, it dives into deeper studies about the political system of each country.         The study demonstrates that neither Russia nor Turkey are able to meet the standards of a democracy as of today. Furthermore, it shows that Russia falls within the frame of an authoritarian regime. Turkey is listed as ”partly free” according to this study, hence it is a hybrid regime with limitations.

By selecting the pool of candidates that voters can choose from in the general election, party nominating contests play a fundamental role in determining the outcome of elections at all levels of government. However, past research has indicated that, due largely to the incumbency advantage, primary competition has declined dramatically since the institution’s origins. Strategic entry theory suggests that skilled candidates, often those holding prior political office, wait for the most opportune chance to run for higher office. To test this hypothesis, I collected data on all congressional districts and candidates from the 2014 midterm elections. Using candidate information gathered from the Federal Election Commission and other candidate databases, district level demographic and political data, and incumbent statistics, I developed a model using the individual and structural factors to predict when an experienced politician will challenge an incumbent within their own party. The data show that strong intraparty challenges are rare compared to cross-party challenges, and that the most ideologically centrist incumbents, of either party, are the most likely to be “primaried” by an experienced and ambitious challenger.

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