This thesis tests one of the approaches that analyzes the rise of right-wing populist parties, "the economic crisis" approach. The core idea of this theory is that during an economic crisis, there is a rise of electoral support for the right-wing populist parties. The two case studies which are studied are the (Northern) League in Italy and the National Front/Rally in France. These analyses include a brief history of the said parties, their political profile, and the results in elections after the 2008-2009 financial crisis. As well as data on the profile of supporters of these parties and the reasons why they support these parties, and their views on some of the main political and social issues. From the data confrontation it is shown that there is no correlation between times of economic hardship, and the electoral success of these parties. And what is more important supporters of these parties also emphasize reasons related with identity rather than economic problems for supporting these parties. For economic issues they have a similar perception to the rest of the population. Keywords Populism, right-wing populism, populist parties, economic crisis, elections, identity.

Regional parties are among the younger topics of political science research, their issue is not addressed by too many authors, and therefore we do not find many works that would contribute to this not very researched area. One of the authors, who included regional parties in her research, is Bonnie Meguid. She introduced the concept of niche parties, dealing with the success of "parties of gaps" compared to mainstream parties. In this work, the concept of niche parties is applied to Spanish regional parties to determine whether the concept is suitable for regional parties and whether we can speak of Spanish regional parties as niche parties. The analysis of the concept will be performed based on five established criteria, based on the work of Meguid and Wagner, who followed up on her concept and expanded it. Eight regional parties from six Spanish regions, selected based on several conditions, will be examined. The source basis of this work are party documents of selected regional parties, especially their election programs.

Magister Commercii - MCom / In May 2019, South Africa held its sixth democratic national and provincial elections. 48 political parties participated in this general election compared to the 19 that participated in 2014. Thus, the 2019 elections witnessed a significant broadening of political options that could appeal to the electorate. At the same time mechanisms for political parties to communicate and engage with voters have also evolved. Research has shown that ‘new media’, commonly known as social media (Facebook, Instagram and Twitter for example), have increasingly become part of the political communication methods within electoral democracies. Given this, the study aimed to conduct a deep analysis of the use of Twitter as a communication tool by the African National Congress (ANC), Democratic Alliance (DA) and Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) during the election campaign period of 2019. The study adopted a qualitative method, by having a virtual ethnography approach to collect Twitter feeds. In addition, a Twitter survey was conducted in order to understand how the users received the political campaigns on the platform. The analysis was guided by the theoretical framework of Foot and Schneider (2006) which outlines and discusses four pillars (or functions) of online campaigning namely: “informing, involving, connecting and mobilizing”.

This study aims to explain why voters in Sweden choose to cast their vote on the, often more unknown and smaller, local municipality party rather than an established larger party. Earlier studies have focused more on why the local parties are created, this study has a different approach as it tries to explain voter behavior rather than party creation. To achieve this goal a survey has been sent out to all the local parties registered for the kommunfullmäktige election before 2018s election. The study finds that the most significant reason for the voters seems to be the representatives of the local party, therefore strengthening the earlier theories of the importance of the so-called local entrepreneur. A second important result was the fact that voters believe that local parties best represent the voters view on local issues, as the local party focuses on trying to fix those issues without the need to take the national policy into consideration. Future studies with a larger sample size could develop the theory further and answer some unanswered questions, such as: Why local parties seem to cluster together in neighboring municipalities.

No description available.

This study investigated the risk factors for workplace sexual harassment in South Korea using cross-sectional data of the 2014 and 2017 Korean Working Conditions Survey (KWCS). A generalized linear model specified with a Poisson distribution and log link function was performed. Females, younger adults, jobs in services or sales, tasks that involve visiting places where clients reside, and significant work time contribution to customers were associated with increased gender harassment and unwanted sexual attention. Evidence suggests that third parties and male-oriented culture may pose a serious threat to healthy working conditions.

There is disagreement about the role of civil society in the development of society, both among researchers and in national agreements between the public and civil actors. The thesis aims to study the political parties' view of the role of civil society in the development of society in Sweden. The main question sounds • What is the role of civil society in social development according to Socialdemokraterna, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokrtaerna? In order to carry out a good analysis, the basic question is divided into three sub-questions: • What are the similarities in the view of the role of civil society in social development between the political parties? • Are there any clear contradictions between the political parties on the question of the role of civil society in social development and how can these be understood? • How can the picture that appears in the analysis of the political parties' view of the role of civil society in social development give us a better picture of the more general view of civil society in Sweden? The thesis analysis is carried out as an idea analysis and is based on four ideal types which are compiled in an analysis scheme. The three political parties are selected on the basis of "most different systems design". The analyzed parties differ in ideological origin and in the party's own history and growth. The essay's analysis shows that the views of the analyzed political parties on civil society differ in most respects. The Social Democrats and Moderate politics agree on several of the ideal types used in the essay, while the Swedish Democrats' policies fail from all ideal types. The parties 'views on the role of civil society in society have clear sayings, ties with the parties' ideological origins. The large differences in the parties' politics regarding civil society can explain the many contradictory roles that civil society in Sweden is expected to take on.

Avena & Canela es un proyecto de producción de bocaditos saludables ricos y nutritivos para fiestas infantiles, empacados en envases ecoamigables y con información nutricional accesible para padres y niños. Buscamos colaborar en la disminución de los niveles de sobrepeso, obesidad infantil y promover hábitos saludables. Según el análisis del macro y microentorno, existe mayor preocupación por el cuidado nutricional infantil. A nivel del Estado, existen políticas informativas como la “Ley de la Alimentación Saludable para el niño, niña y adolescente”; y a nivel familiar, el incremento de opciones saludables para los niños, verificado en nuestro estudio de mercado. Nuestro negocio va dirigido a padres de familia, con niños hasta los 12 años, del sector socioeconómico A y B de las zonas 6, 7 y 8 de Lima metropolitana. Avena & Canela tiene como factores clave la calidad de insumos y servicio, puntualidad en la entrega y transparencia en la información de nuestros productos. Nuestra estrategia se basa en el alto valor percibido por nuestro cliente y la profesionalización de la elaboración de bocaditos saludables. Nuestras estrategias de venta se centran en el marketing digital y activaciones en colegios de los distritos objetivo. Será necesaria una inversión de S/.96 775, donde el 54% será solicitada a una entidad financiera y la diferencia será capital de los emprendedores. Los indicadores financieros analizados muestran la viabilidad y rentabilidad del negocio mediante un VAN de S/.308,242.15 soles en un periodo de 5 años, una TIR de 72%, concluyendo ser un proyecto rentable. / Avena & Canela is a project to produce healthy, nutritious snacks for children's parties, packed in eco-friendly packaging and with nutritional information accessible to parents and children. We are looking for reduce the levels of overweight, childhood obesity and promoting healthy habits. According to the analysis of the macro and microenvironment, there is greater concern about child nutritional care. At the State level, there are informational policies such as the “Law on Healthy Eating for children and adolescents”; and at the family level, the increase in healthy options for children, verified in our market study. Our business is aimed at parents, with children up to 12 years old, from the socioeconomic sector A and B of zones 6, 7 and 8 of metropolitan Lima. Avena & Canela's key factors are the quality of supplies and service, punctual delivery, and transparency in the information of our products. Our strategy is based on the high value perceived by our client and the professionalization of the preparation of healthy snacks. Our sales strategies are focused on digital marketing and activations in schools in the target districts. An investment of S/.96,775 will be necessary, where 54% will be requested from a financial institution and the difference will be the capital of the entrepreneurs. The financial indicators analyzed show the viability and profitability of the business through an NPV of S/.308,242.15 soles in a period of 5 years, an IRR of 72%, concluding that it is a profitable project. / Trabajo de investigación

Many scholars have sought to explain the patterns of success and failure among fringe parties which seek to increase their initially limited political influence, but prevailing explanations do not fully consider the parties themselves as institutions that can generate change. Based on historical and discursive institutionalism as well as existing literature on political parties and the growth of regional parties in Europe, this dissertation posits a taxonomy of requirements for internal political party development. The progression is conceptualized as a path dependent feedback loop that starts with (1) the consolidation of ideas, a process which requires consensus about the party’s primary ideological positions and policy. It is followed by (2) a consolidation of methods—or an agreement on how to communicate those ideas while also maintaining party discipline. The party will then seek to (3) increase its exposure both in the media and with voters, before (4) establishing persistence in elections, media coverage, and party membership. Finally, leaders will (5) reallocate resources and reorganize party structure as demands on the party change over time. Under the premise that separatist parties in Europe and Canada face significant barriers to entry in substantive democracies, this dissertation considered 108 Stateless Regional National Parties (SNRPs) to select the most extreme case for testing the party development taxonomy. Once the Scottish National Party (SNP) was selected as the primary case study, then the taxonomy was tested via process tracing using extensive archival records including party manifestos, broadcasts, press releases, and other party documents, as well as secondary sources, elite interviews, and a detailed content analysis of the manifestos from 1992-2017. While the taxonomy holds through much of the SNP’s history, the key elements to entrenched positive growth were exposure breakthroughs (measured via the party’s own increased output or greater volume of coverage in the media) and proactive party reforms prior to an electoral breakthrough or significant institutional change such as the establishment of Scottish Parliament in 1999. Further testing should be conducted against other parties to establish greater external validity and precision regarding the number of cycles required for party development under specific institutional conditions.

Communication infrastructure underlies all group interaction in an extended republic, yet the role of its evolution in the development of American political parties remains relatively unexplored. Rather than examine how attributes of this infrastructure might act as variables shaping organization and behavior, traditional models of party development assume it to be a neutral element of the larger context within which partisan actors operate. The model developed here brings the evolution of infrastructure into the foreground, exploring its role in shaping American political parties over time. The most widely accepted models of parties locate the source of change with the actors who create and control party institutions, but by viewing control itself as a potential variable, the model developed here is able to isolate how infrastructure development itself alters power relations over time. The central contention of this work is that changes to the nation's communication and information infrastructures alter the opportunities and constraints for political action, driving the evolution of parties over time. As new infrastructures are deployed, the patterns of partisan interaction throughout society change, opening windows of opportunity during which party leadership is more likely to change hands. Particularly important are decentralizing infrastructural changes, which can provide previously marginalized actors with the tools necessary to challenge their exclusion from party activity. Citizen involvement in party politics is thus demonstrated to vary with both the nature of the available infrastructure and the content that infrastructure carries. This new infrastructure-driven model of change is tested through an examination of party development in two eras: 1790-1835, between the expansion of the post office and the development of the telegraph; and 2000-2012, when the Internet first became an important infrastructure for organizing party activity. The model is found to be quite useful in explaining the evolution of party conflict in both eras, highlighting similarities that demonstrate how the decentralization of communication infrastructure creates opportunities for political outsiders to drive change.