京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・論文博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 乙第12940号 / 論地博第18号 / 新制||地||62(附属図書館) / 32150 / (主査)教授 玉田 芳史, 准教授 岡本 正明, 准教授 中西 嘉宏 / 学位規則第4条第2項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DFAM

This PhD dissertation analyses the processes used by political parties to select candidates for the European elections, making the unique institutional setting and electoral dynamics of the European Parliament a “litmus test” for party organisations. By applying an institutional design theory to the ways parties nominate their candidates for the EP, I can test a wide range of pre-existing postulates about parties’ behaviours, and can do so across many different countries (thus considering various electoral settings and socio-political arenas) while also accounting for the multi-level setting in which they operate. To this end, I thoroughly explore the intra-party “machinery” at work in the drafting of nominees. More specifically, this dissertation first provides a descriptive account of the main intra-party formal rules that govern the EP selection procedures from a comparative perspective. Concretely, this descriptive analysis serves to measure the relative power of individuals, party organs, and party levels, and to establish what imperatives (membership fees, endorsements, incompatibilities, quotas) are prescribed by the various parties. On that basis, I identify the patterns of selection rules put in place by the parties. I then explore the factors that condition the parties' choices of procedures by relating the aforementioned observations to a number of national- and EU-level characteristics. Later, I confront these rules with the parties’ informal practices during the actual process, and further trace an entire process from the rules' enactment to the choice of candidates. In doing so, I hope to contribute a small but important building block to the understanding of current political parties, while also speaking directly to those who are more generally interested in comparative politics and EU politics. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This dissertation uses quantitative methods and archival research to study three aspects of political violence in Pakistan –1) the effect of political party ideology on political violence, 2) the relationship between the electoral cycle and political violence, and 3) the effectiveness of cellphone shutdowns in reducing political violence. The first essay focuses on whether the political party in power in a region influences the forms of political violence prevalent in that region – i.e. does political violence vary when left-wing, right-wing, religious, ethnic or ethno-nationalist parties come into power? The results show that a) riots increase when ethnic parties come into power in a district, and b) violent demonstrations increase when ethno-nationalist and center-right parties hold seats. Based on newspaper reports from 1988 to 2011, it is argued that ethnic parties in power often create conditions that are conducive for rioting to occur by favoring their own ethnic group with privileged access to public sector jobs, land and other resources and creating resentment amongst other ethnic groups. In addition, it is argued that ethno-nationalist parties engage in a politics of grievance and rely on demonstrations to protest the actions and policies of the national government with regards to their ethnic group. The second essay focuses on the nature and timing of election violence over the course of six elections in Pakistan between 1988 and 2011. It looks at how four different forms of violence – assassinations, riots, demonstrations and terrorist attacks – vary before, during and after elections. The paper shows that riots and terrorist attacks sharply increase on election day, in line with the existing literature. However, assassinations are not affected by the onset of elections and violent political demonstrations see a slight decline in the week after the election which challenges important work on election violence. My final essay examines the effectiveness of disrupting cellphone networks as a counter-terrorism strategy to tackle terrorist violence. The paper shows that when cellphone shutdowns occur unexpectedly they disrupt terrorist attacks, although the effect is short-term as terrorist groups carry out their attacks when cellphone services resume on the next day.

This dissertation examines the political nature and impact of nationalism within political systems. The dissertation does this through two distinct contributions: 1) establishing a clear conceptual definition of nationalist political parties (NPPs) and 2) developing a typology of NPPs that explains their development. Attention to NPPs has been mixed as some scholars have dismissed their relevance and/or merely grouped them with right-wing political parties. This points to a particular problem within the study of NPPs, namely that they are both under-theorized and over-simplified. In the dissertation, I argue that a more systematic approach is necessary for analyzing the distinct features of NPPs so that scholars can discern the similarities and qualities that make NPPs unique. NPPs are defined as parties that prioritize a singular nation or national identity, expressing a belief that this nation or national identity is unique, and as such requires political action to ensure its protection and survival. Unlike traditional political parties, NPPs are unique in their often-disjointed policy proposals and lack of definitive policy positions along the traditional left-right spectrum. The rhetorical tools employed by NPPs provide a basis for how they can be identified as different from other political parties within their system. Using small-N comparative historical analysis of political parties in post-communist Central and Eastern Europe, a typology of NPPs is proposed across three distinct policy frameworks. Specifically, the Fidesz and Jobbik parties of Hungary and the UDMR of Romania are examined as respective ideal types of each of the frameworks discussed. The theory presented in the dissertation states that the type of policy framework chosen by the party depends on the timing of its development and more importantly on the structure and membership of the party organization. / Political Science

No description available.

European integration has resulted in the emergence of political parties at the European transnational level. These parties are primarily consisting of members of the European parliament from various EU-member states. Thereby a substantial number of the MEPs today have two party memberships to adhere. This study aims to analyse the differences and similarities in the election manifestos of the Swedish party Moderaterna and the European People’s Party, examine the prevalence of the two concepts europeanization and eurocentrism between the two parties manifestos and investigate possible explanations stemming from the different concepts and the empirical study The europeanization of national political parties. Therefore said study consists of a comparative analysis of the manifestos in the categories energy, environment, integration and defense in order to highlight the differences and similarities. The result reveals that there are examples of both europeanization and eurocentrism in each manifesto in all categories. The results also made it clear that the two concepts and the empirical study could explain some of the differences and similarities pointed out between the two manifestos, but not all of them.

This study investigated the risk factors for workplace sexual harassment in South Korea using cross-sectional data of the 2014 and 2017 Korean Working Conditions Survey (KWCS). A generalized linear model specified with a Poisson distribution and log link function was performed. Females, younger adults, jobs in services or sales, tasks that involve visiting places where clients reside, and significant work time contribution to customers were associated with increased gender harassment and unwanted sexual attention. Evidence suggests that third parties and male-oriented culture may pose a serious threat to healthy working conditions.

In 2022 the Russian invasion of Ukraine took place, which caused millions of Ukrainians to flee their homes. The refugee crisis occurred seven years earlier in 2015, and millions of refugees fled their home countries as the Ukrainian refugees did in 2022. However, during the refugee crisis of 2015 people commonly fled from countries like Syria, Afghanistan, and Iraq. During these refugee waves, people have searched for asylum in Sweden. However, the political measures have differed between these two refugee waves. Therefore, research regarding Sweden’s three biggest political parties’ construction of refugees during these two events is significant.  This essay examines how the construction of refugees differs between the refugee crisis of 2015 and the Ukrainian refugee wave of 2022 within the Swedish parliament. To do so, a critical discourse analysis has been applied while analyzing protocols from the Swedish parliament. The findings show that the three political parties constructed refugees differently depending on their geographical origin. Ukrainian refugees were constructed in more positive terms and often as victims in need of help compared to non-European refugees, who were constructed in more negative terms and often as a burden or a threat. Additionally, this might be the explanation regarding why refugees were securitized in 2015 and why they were not in 2022, which this essay showed.

The paper shows that the use of linguistic mechanisms of political discourse plays a large role in the construction of electoral campaigns in all cases examined. The mechanisms of manipulation of different countries depend on the characteristics of the country's political communication. The study and the correct use of mechanisms allows a politician to wage an effective struggle for power, which is the main goal of any political activity. / В работе показано, что использование лингвистических механизмов политического дискурса играет большую роль при построении электоральных кампаний во всех рассмотренных кейсах. Механизмы манипуляции разных стран зависят от особенностей политической коммуникации страны. Изучение и корректное использование механизмов позволяет политическому деятелю вести результативную борьбу за власть, что является главной целью любой политической деятельности.

<p>Negative partisanship, which stems from negative affect towards an opposing party, exerts influence on evaluations of democratic performance (see Ridge 2020; Spoon and Kanthak 2019), but we still need to add more pieces to the puzzle of negative partisanship. To contribute to this literature, I examine negative partisans against another group with similar parameters on the negative side of the spectrum. I argue that our partisanship is not unidimensional, negative positions could exist beyond one party, and we could be negatively inclined to more than one party. </p> <p>The experience of democracies is used as a baseline to analyze the systemic effects on satisfaction with democracy over both types of partisans. First, social identities are explored to establish the foundation of the proposed partisans. Findings showed that negative partisans are affected by two motivators: marginalization and a threat to the status quo. In some cases, clear trends were uncovered regardless of the status of democracy, and some others diverged by context and became clearer when democratic settings were explored. Evidence also showed that the regime’s status as consolidated or young democracy plays an important role when negative partisans ponder how their democracy is performing. Finally, when emotional piling happens, satisfaction with democracy is affected negatively due to vulnerability to frustration. </p> <p>The background of the regime is another piece that differentiates negative partisans because democracies built on ideological post-communist regimes are not the same as a background of one-party rule or a military regime. Findings showed that institutional pacts from these regimes through authoritarian successor parties are not as negative in the effects from parties that are the product of the new regime. Also, satisfaction over time certainly makes negative partisans more comfortable with democracies, regardless of the setbacks and even how polarized the systems are. Moreover, systemic elements affect negative partisans’ perception of democracy’s performance through compensatory and non-compensatory mechanisms. Negative partisans behave differently not only in different democratic settings but also when they are following the rules to elect representatives. They are affected more negatively in their satisfaction when their partisanship is stronger or without the influence of a party. This context is exacerbated when the electoral design or system has dynamics that incentivize rivalry compared to “include all” or mixed designs. This study adds elements to the literature of negative partisanship and opens new lines to examine negative partisans worldwide. </p>