Thèse ou mémoire avec insertion d'articles / La gestion scientifique des forêts implique l'utilisation de diverses techniques pour maintenir le développement économique et durable des forêts, en améliorant la qualité de vie des communautés qui en dépendent. La conception des réseaux de routes forestières est cruciale pour une gestion efficace des forêts, car elle garantit l'accès et la connectivité aux différentes parties de la forêt, telles que les zones de récolte ou les zones de protection contre les incendies, par exemple. Les routes forestières sont un élément essentiel de la gestion forestière, mais leur construction a des implications environnementales significatives. Elles constituent également l'aspect le plus coûteux de l'infrastructure forestière. Pour concevoir un réseau de routes forestières efficace, il est essentiel de trouver un équilibre entre des exigences concurrentes telles que la durabilité et la rentabilité. La participation du public et la consultation des communautés locales et des parties prenantes sont essentielles pour s'assurer que le réseau routier proposé répond aux besoins de tous les utilisateurs tout en minimisant les coûts et les impacts environnementaux. Cette thèse vise à fournir une analyse documentaire complète de la conception des réseaux routiers forestiers et à identifier les modèles et approches développés pour la conception d'un réseau routier forestier efficace et durable. Alors que les études précédentes se sont concentrées sur l'évaluation et l'optimisation de la construction et de l'entretien des routes forestières, cette étude vise à examiner les défis et les modèles de conception des réseaux routiers forestiers en termes de développement durable. Plus précisément, l'étude analyse les principales questions liées à l'optimisation de la conception du réseau de routes forestières, telles que la participation des parties prenantes à la prise de décision, l'incertitude dans les modèles d'optimisation, le changement climatique et les émissions de CO₂ dans le cadre de l'analyse documentaire. Les résultats de cette revue systématique de la littérature fournissent une évaluation complète de l'état actuel des connaissances en matière de conception de réseaux de routes forestières et soulignent l'importance des recherches en cours dans ce domaine. Nos résultats suggèrent que des recherches ont été menées en utilisant diverses approches, que les variables ont été soigneusement sélectionnées et analysées, et que certaines contraintes ont été prises en compte dans une certaine mesure. Cependant, malgré ces efforts, les recherches indiquent qu'il existe toujours un besoin d'une investigation plus approfondie, notamment en ce qui concerne la durabilité de la conception du réseau routier forestier. En outre, les résultats mettent en évidence le manque d'attention accordée aux préoccupations et aux intérêts des décideurs politiques, ainsi qu'un manque de coopération entre les parties prenantes, et un soutien insuffisant aux multiples parties prenantes. L'étude identifie également plusieurs applications spéciales dans la conception des réseaux de routes forestières, telles que la recherche de l'emplacement optimal et la construction de nouvelles routes, l'optimisation de l'entretien des routes existantes, et l'équilibre entre le coût de construction des routes et l'accès aux ressources. En intégrant une série de facteurs pertinents, cette étude offre des indications précieuses pour l'industrie forestière afin de développer des réseaux de routes forestières plus durables et efficaces. Dans l'ensemble, cette thèse contribue à l'avancement de la recherche sur la conception des réseaux routiers forestiers en fournissant une analyse critique de la littérature existante et en soulignant les lacunes et les défis dans le domaine. Cette thèse constitue une ressource précieuse pour les décideurs politiques, les gestionnaires forestiers et les chercheurs qui cherchent à concevoir et à mettre en œuvre des réseaux de routes forestières durables qui équilibrent les objectifs écologiques, sociaux et économiques. / Scientific forest management involves using various techniques to maintain the economic and sustainable development of forests, improving the quality of life for forest-dependent communities. The design of forest road networks is crucial for effective forest management as it ensures access and connectivity to various parts of the forest, such as harvesting areas or fire management zones. Forest roads are a critical component of forest management, but their construction has significant environmental implications and is also the costliest aspect of forest infrastructure. To design an efficient forest road network, it is essential to balance competing demands such as sustainability and profitability. Public participation and consultation with local communities and stakeholders are crucial to ensure that the proposed road network copes with the necessities of all users while minimizing costs and environmental impacts. The thesis aims to provide a comprehensive literature review of forest road network design and identify the developed models and approaches for designing an efficient and sustainable forest road network. While previous literature reviews have focused on the evaluation and optimization of forest road construction and maintenance, this research strives to investigate the challenges and models of forest road network design in terms of sustainable development. Specifically, the study analyzes the main issues related to forest road network design optimization, such as stakeholder participation in decision-making, uncertainty in optimization models, climate change, and CO₂ emissions as part of the literature review. The findings of this systematic literature review provide a comprehensive assessment of the current state of the art in forest road network design and highlight the importance of ongoing research in this area. Our findings suggest that research has been conducted using various approaches, variables have been carefully selected and analyzed, and constraints have been taken into account to some extent. However, despite these efforts, the research indicates that there is still a need for more investigation, specifically in terms of the sustainability of forest road network design. Furthermore, the results highlight the lack of attention given to the concerns and interests of policymakers, as well as a lack of cooperation between stakeholders, and insufficient support for multiple stakeholders. The study also identifies several special applications in forest road network design, such as finding the optimal location and construction of new roads, optimizing the maintenance of existing roads, and balancing the trade-off between road construction cost and access to resources. By incorporating a range of relevant factors, this study offers valuable insights for the forestry industry to develop more sustainable and efficient forest road networks. Overall, this thesis contributes to the advancement of forest road network design research by providing a critical analysis of the existing literature and highlighting the gaps and challenges in the field. The thesis offers a valuable resource for policymakers, forest managers, and researchers who seek to design and implement sustainable forest road networks that balance ecological, social, and economic objectives.

No description available.

Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

L'acquisition d'un appartement dans un immeuble en copropriété semble être aujourd'hui une opération banale tant pour les consommateurs que pour les praticiens, chacun semblant considérer que l'objet de l'acquisition se limite à "la propriété" d'un appartement dans un ensemble immobilier.La notion de copropriété en France est définie par l’article 1° de la loi du 10 juillet 1965 qui dispose : « La présente loi régit tout immeuble bâti ou groupe d'immeubles bâtis dont la propriété est répartie, entre plusieurs personnes, par lots comprenant chacun une partie privative et une quote-part de parties communes. ». Le lot de copropriété se présente donc comme un lien de droit à vocation perpétuelle instaurée entre des parties de l’immeuble pour permettre la répartition de sa propriété. Le lot de copropriété est finalement la résultante d’une appropriation individuelle (la partie privative) à l’aide d’un procédé collectif (l’indivision généralisée des parties communes) et entre dans la notion plus large de propriété privée.L'analyse de la nature juridique du lot de copropriété vient cependant démontrer que l'objet de l’acquisition par le candidat acheteur est de nature bien différente. Celle-ci réside en une forme d’appropriation complexe en raison des distinctions qu’elle implique entre les différentes composantes du lot mais aussi en raison de la multiplicité des qualifications juridiques qu’elle conjugue.Les droits attachés à la notion de lot de copropriété semblent être des droits complexes, tantôt droits personnels, tantôt droits réels, combinant pleine propriété, indivision, servitudes, usufruit et nue-propriété, ce que l’on pourrait appeler « la propriété plurielle », une forme de propriété « caméléon » avec des composantes hétérogènes.Le candidat acquéreur n’achète pas un appartement dans un immeuble mais, en réalité, une quote-part indivise dans des choses communes dont il ne connait ni l’étendue ni l’état ainsi que la jouissance exclusive d’un volume dénommé « partie privative » dont l’étendue est à la fois le critère et la conséquence (l’usage exclusif)L’analyse met en exergue une réelle discordance entre ce que les copropriétaires pensent posséder et la complexe réalité juridique de l’étendue de leur propriété et des droits et devoirs qui en découlent. Le découpage ainsi opéré démontre l’insécurité juridique du statut mis en place par la loi du 10 juillet 1965 ; c’est « l’illusion » de la copropriété immobilièreSi le statut de la copropriété devait être revu afin d’expliquer clairement au consommateur, qu’est le candidat copropriétaire, l’objet de son acquisition et ses implications juridiques et financières, il est fort à craindre qu’il se tourne vers une forme de propriété moins absconse. / The concept of ownership in condominium in France is defined by the Article 1 of the Law of 10 July 1965 states: "This Act governs any building or group of buildings whose ownership is divided among several people, composed each one by a private part and a part of common areas. ".The Lot of condominium is as a legal relationship established between perpetual vocation parts of the building to allow the distribution of its property. The condominium lot is the result of an individual appropriation with a collective process and into the wider concept of private property.Private property was designed by the French Revolution as a natural and inalienable human right, just as freedom. It is an inviolable and sacred right which no one can be private.The analys however highlights one hand great complexity on the scope of rights forming the components of the condominium lot but also its materiality. Difficulty identifying the physical reality of size lot suggests the distortion that may exist between the reality of this form of property and what the owner thinks .This Illusion present a real legal insécurity for the owner who does not measure extent of their rights and duties with respect to the nature of his property.

Este trabalho procura analisar o fenômeno das trocas de legenda no Brasil, com um enfoque diferente do que tradicionalmente se aplica. Ao invés de buscar as ambições do migrante, procurei entender as trocas de legenda no agregado, buscando apreender como os atores coletivos, no caso os partidos políticos, utilizam as trocas de legenda para aumentar seu poder na arena parlamentar e na arena eleitoral. Não pretendo com isto afirmar que os parlamentares não busquem aumentar suas chances de sucesso quando trocam de partido, ao contrário, o que pretendo é mostrar que, se ocorre migração partidária, é porque os deputados percebem a importância dos partidos para seus objetivos. Mais do que isso, o que se pretende é mostrar que os partidos políticos não são vítimas de parlamentares ultra-individualistas, estes atuam no processo e estimulam a migração partidária na busca por aumentar seus recursos. E que aliciam parlamentares para aumentar seu acesso a cargos no legislativo e para aumentar seus votos em regiões onde não eram bem votados. / In this work we present an analysis of the party switching phenomenon in Brazil. We try to understand how political parties use the switching party strategy to increase their resources in both parliamentary and electoral arenas. The focus of this work is to explain the role played by the switching parties strategy in the aggregated level without, however, losing sight of the costs and benefits of each switch for individual representatives. It is not my intention to affirm that the parliamentarians do not look to increase his chances of success when they move from one party to another; what I intend to show is that, if party migration occurs, it is because deputies realize the importance of the parties to his own objectives. More than that, which is claimed, is to show that the political parties are not victims of ultra-individualist parliamentarian, they act in the process and stimulate the switching party to increasing his resources.

There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the “lifeboat” theory, the “administrative absorption” theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. / The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today’s Hong Kong. / 一直以來，香港史的論著都認為政黨在一九八零年代後才興起，而香港人在一九九零年代開始才比較關心政治。這誤解可能建基於不同的理論：包括難民心態、行政吸納政治，以及傳統中國人性格等。通過戰後香港革新會及香港公民協會的歷史研究，我們可以對當時的政制發展有更清晰的了解。雖然政制發展在一九八零年代前並不顯著，但香港人並非政治冷感；其實政黨早在一九八零年代前已經開始有所發展。 / 香港革新會及香港公民協會並非一般所指的壓力團體，而是積極爭取政治，經濟及社會改革的政黨。作為政府與市民之間的橋樑，它們特別關注香港的城市發展、房屋政策、醫療保障、經濟發展、教育普及、治安以及小販問題。雖然兩個政黨不時批評政府的政策，但殖民地政府亦樂於利用它們作為與民溝通的橋樑以及平衡各方勢力。香港革新會及香港公民協會的歷史角色已漸被遺忘及忽視。這篇論文首開這兩個政黨學術研究之先河，希望通過其研究加深對殖民政府與宗主國的關係，戰後的殖民地性質、以及被遺忘的香港革新會及香港公民協會的了解。 / Tsang, Yik Man. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2014. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 336-357). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on 30, September, 2016). / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only.

吳國樑. / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1998. / 參考文獻: leaves 131-142. / Wu Guoliang. / 致謝 --- p.i / 論文提要 --- p.ii / 目錄 / 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 救國職志：中國靑年黨的創建 --- p.13 / 建黨背景 / 創黨宗旨 / 初展黨務（1923-1935 ) / Chapter (一) --- 理論宣傳及《醒獅週報》 / Chapter (二) --- 建立組織 / Chapter (三) --- 舉步爲艱：黨務推展的困難 / Chapter 第二章 --- 「內除國賊、外抗強權」：草創期（1923-1935 )的重點 --- p.31 / 內除國賊 / Chapter (一) --- 靑年黨與軍閥們的關係 / Chapter (二) --- 貫徹始終：靑年黨與共產黨的敵對 / Chapter (三) --- 諍友相知：靑年黨與國民黨的對立 / 外抗強權 / Chapter (一) --- 初嘗勝利：收回敎育權運動 / Chapter (二) --- 書生從戎：靑年黨的抗日行動 / Chapter 第三章 --- 黨派合作：鞏固期（1936-1949 )的重點 --- p.61 / 擺脫困境：與國民黨敵對關係的消融 / 理想實現？從廬山談話會到第一屆國民參政會（1937-1940 ) / Chapter (一) --- 廬山談話會 / Chapter (二) --- 國防參議會 / Chapter (三) --- 第一屆國民參政會 / 第三勢力：由民主政團同盟至政治協商會議（1941-1946 ) / Chapter (一) --- 民主政團同盟 / Chapter (二) --- 政治協商會議 / 「捨共取國」：靑年黨參與國民政府(1947-1949 ) / Chapter (一) --- 國民大會前的斡旋工作 / Chapter (二) --- 靑年黨參加國民大會及國民政府 / Chapter 第四章 --- 理想與現實： / 中國靑年黨的政治哲學及檢討局限靑年黨發展的內緣因素… --- p.90 / 理想：國家主義 / Chapter (一) --- 釋義：何謂國家主義？ / Chapter (二) --- 正名 / Chapter (三) --- 在華推行國家主義的論據 / Chapter (四) --- 師法土耳其：醒獅運動的發端 / Chapter (五) --- 運動的政策 / Chapter (六) --- 「全民政治」 / Chapter (七) --- 政黨角色 / Chapter (八) --- 餘論 / 現實：探討局限靑年黨發展的內緣因素 / 結論 --- p.117 / 附件 --- p.120 / 參考書目 --- p.131

Os partidos latino-americanos são muito diversos e poucos estudos se ocupam da comparação de suas organizações. Este estudo analisa e classifica a organização interna dos partidos políticos latino-americanos, comparando o conteúdo de 42 estatutos partidários distribuídos nos 18 países democráticos da região. A comparação ocorre a partir do uso do método comparado e da identificação da ausência e/ou presença de determinados conteúdos em suas cartas orgânicas, de modo a mapear sua organização e possibilitar a construção de uma escala de pertencimentos das agremiações no quesito organizacional. A visão predominante sobre a região aponta para um caso de subdesenvolvimento partidário, no qual as agremiações são descritas como dotadas de organizações internas frágeis e em muitos casos inexistentes. Este trabalho não compartilha este posicionamento e argumenta que a América Latina apresenta um amplo espectro partidário em que convive dotadas de diferentes graus de organização. De modo a solucionar esta questão optamos por focar a análise em suas características organizacionais de modo a compreender os diferentes padrões exibidos em um estudo mais descritivo. Como premissa básica, partimos do princípio que os partidos políticos são, antes de tudo, organizações, as quais refletem as escolhas e objetivos de seus membros em um ambiente limitado. Como resultados, encontramos os seguintes: 1) o cenário partidário encontrado não é tão negativo quanto o exposto pela bibliografia sobre a região; 2) a região exibe um rico cenário, que reflete as diferentes estratégias das agremiações latino-americanas; 3) a ideologia e o tipo originário exercem grande influência sobre a determinação do desenho organizacional e; 4) as regulamentações a que os partidos estão sujeitos definem os limites das organizações. / Latin american parties are very diverse and few studies show a comparison of their organization. This study analyzes and classifies the internal organization of 42 Latin American political parties distributed in 18 democratic countries, comparing the content of their statutes. Using the comparative method we pointed the absence and / or presence of certain contents in the party organic charts, in order to map their organization and build a scale of affiliation to the organization. The predominant view describes an underdevelopment of the parties in Latin America, with a fragile association to internal organizations, that is even absent in many cases. This thesis does not share this position and sustain that Latin America has a broad partisan spectrum, which coexists with different degrees of organization. In order to solve this question and understand the different patterns exhibited, we focused the analysis on its organizational aspects, using a descriptive approach. As a basic premise, we assume that political parties are, above all, organizations, and it reflects the choices and goals of their members in a limited environment. The following results were found: 1) the party scenario found is not as negative as exposed by previous works about that region; 2) the region presents a rich scenario, which reflects the different strategies of Latin American associations; 3) ideology and the original type of party exert great influence on the determination of organizational design and; 4) the regulations to which the parties are subjected define the boundaries of organizations.

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de analisar a emergência de novos partidos políticos no Brasil entre 1979 e 2015 visando a compreender se o arcabouço legal é suficiente para explicar este fenômeno. Com base na literatura de Ciência política, estudamos a formação de novas organizações partidárias na Nova Democracia a partir de três dimensões: aspecto político, contexto socioeconômico e arcabouço legal. A pesquisa está dividida em quatro capítulos: sendo que o primeiro consiste em uma revisão da literatura sobre novos partidos e o segundo é destinado às considerações metodológicas que orientaram o trabalho. O terceiro capítulo analisa o surgimento de novos partidos no Brasil sob a ótica do contexto político, do aspecto socioeconômico e do arcabouço legal de acordo com os cenários dos seis períodos históricos recortados: 1979 a 1984, 1985 a 1989, 1990 a 1994, 1995 a 2002, 2003 a 2010 e 2011 a 2015. Dentro de cada um destes períodos, as variáveis foram classificadas como incentivadoras ou inibidoras em relação à criação de novos partidos. Por fim, o último capítulo é dedicado a responder ao problema de pesquisa, articulando as análises dos períodos de forma comparada. Os resultados encontrados confirmaram a hipótese de que um arcabouço legal é necessário para compreender o surgimento de novas organizações partidárias, mas não é suficiente para explicar este fenômeno, que é complexo e multicausal. / This paper aims to analyze the new political parties’ emergence in Brazil between 1979 and 2015 in order to understand if the legal framework is sufficient to explain this phenomenon. Based on the Political Science literature, the formation of new parties is studied from three variables: political, socioeconomic and legal framework. This research is divided in four chapters: the first consists in a literature review about new parties’ formation and the second is dedicated to the methodological considerations that guided this study. The third chapter analyses the new political parties’ emergence in Brazil considering political, socioeconomic and legal aspects according to the scenarios of the six historical periods determined: 1979 to 1984, 1985 to 1989, 1990 to 1994, 1995 to 2002, 2003 to 2010 and 2011 to 2015. For each period, the variables were classified as encourager or inhibitor of new parties’ formation. The last chapter articulates the analysis of the periods in a comparative perspective. The results confirmed the hypothesis: the legal framework is required to understand new parties’ formation, even though it is not enough to explain this phenomenon, which is complex and multifactorial.

作者黃嘉莉. / 論文(碩士) -- 香港中文大學新聞與傳播學系, 1997. / 參考文獻: leaves [1-7] (3rd group) / zuo zhe Huang Jiali. / Chapter 一、 --- 引言 --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- 硏究動機與目的 / Chapter 1.2 --- 過渡期香港的政黨政治與傳媒互動 / Chapter 1.3 --- 硏究提問及取向 / Chapter 1.4 --- 從框架理論看傳媒主導的博奕狀態 / Chapter 1.5 --- 論文硏究結構 / Chapter 2.1 --- 香港政治社會變遷與組織力量的崛起 --- p.7 / Chapter ´Ø --- 戰後至七十年代一一確立利益團體的群眾基礎： 由殖民行政統治至開放政治參與度 / Chapter ´Ø --- 八十年代一一政制轉型新局面： 政治市場的力量分佈，整合與重組 / Chapter ´Ø --- 九十年代一一政黨政治新生面貌:正統政黨的合成班子 / Chapter 2.2 --- 政黨組織的策略性角色 / Chapter 2.3 --- ´ؤ九九一立法局直選的衝擊：政_競爭、意識形態兩極化 / Chapter 2.4 --- 北京介定局勢的均衡-由三黨鼎足至親中、民主陣營的兩極化鋪陳 / Chapter 2.5 --- 政黨與傳媒的契合-政黨政治合法化 / Chapter 三、 --- 理論與文獻探討 --- p.18 / Chapter 3.1 --- 傳媒與社會的本質關聯 / Chapter ´Ø --- 政黨和傳媒的關係：階級層次上 意識形態立場取向 組織特質與資源 / Chapter 3.2 --- 權力關係透視 / Chapter ´Ø --- 從市場模式看媒介社會學 / Chapter ´Ø --- 引用操縱模式解釋媒介內容的約制 / Chapter 3.3 --- 從權力、資源、依附關係看黨與媒介的互動 / Chapter ´Ø --- 以傳播媒介主導的資訊社會 / Chapter ´Ø --- 政黨的策略性回應一一商討過程 / Chapter 3.4 --- 框架理論之應用 / Chapter ´Ø --- 框架理論源流演變 / Chapter ´Ø --- 新聞框架的功能定義 / Chapter ´Ø --- 新聞框架的競爭性發展 / Chapter ´Ø --- 釐定新聞框架的演變途徑 / Chapter ´Ø --- 框架構成的因由 / Chapter 四、 --- 理論架構及槪念假設 --- p.30 / Chapter 4.1 --- 新聞框架的槪念定義 / Chapter 4.2 --- 新聞框架與政黨議題的動態關聯 / Chapter 4.3 --- 硏究槪念定義 / Chapter ´Ø --- 政黨方面 / Chapter ´Ø --- 傳播媒介方面 / Chapter ´Ø --- 互動結果及意義 / Chapter 4.4 --- 硏究類目：政黨預期框架策略的標示 / Chapter 4.5 --- 分析步驟及程序 / Chapter 4.6 --- 訪談類目 / Chapter 五、 --- 文本分析一比較兩個政黨與新聞媒體的微觀互動 --- p.45 / Chapter 5.1 --- 從政黨的社會、政治、媒介地位，察看其被框架定型的格局 / Chapter ´Ø --- 民主黨對民建聯 / Chapter ´Ø --- 對社會重視資訊的控制 / Chapter ´Ø --- 人力經濟資源 / Chapter ´Ø --- 與政府機構要員正式或非正式聯繫 / Chapter ´Ø --- 資訊控制 / Chapter ´Ø --- 傳播策略 / Chapter ´Ø --- 傳播目標 / Chapter ´Ø --- 框架排放孔道 / Chapter 5.2 --- 記者對政黨框架策略的應對：兩極化的鋪陳 / Chapter 5.3 --- 報章新聞框架的鑑定及歸納基模 / Chapter 5.4 --- 民主黨的新聞框架 / Chapter ´Ø --- 論調轉¨¬ت之虞 / Chapter ´Ø --- 違紀退黨正常化 / Chapter ´Ø --- 內部分裂框架成爲黨員爭拗角力場 / Chapter ´Ø --- 黨的內憂外患 / Chapter ´Ø --- 處於溝通困境框架的民主黨 / Chapter ´Ø --- 黨領袖層獨裁框架 / Chapter ´Ø --- 黨內口徑矛盾化 / Chapter ´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 5.5 --- 民建聯的新聞框架 / Chapter ´Ø --- 飛躍進步框架的鋪排 / Chapter ´Ø --- 口徑齊一化 / Chapter ´Ø --- 正名鎭壓：違黨事件乖離化 / Chapter ´Ø --- 花絮式話題框架 / Chapter ´Ø --- 利好溝通框架滲進傳媒版面 / Chapter 5.6 --- 小結硏究假設之印證 / Chapter 六、 --- 分析及討論 --- p.72 / Chapter 6.1 --- 政黨資源組織策略部署一結構分析 / Chapter 6.2 --- 民主黨 / Chapter ´Ø --- 議會政治：黨人與記者的交流互動 / Chapter ´Ø --- 攻陷新聞作業的常規 / Chapter ´Ø --- 民主黨扮演消息發放的角色 / Chapter ´Ø --- 全新形勢看兩者關係：記者對民主黨的期望 / Chapter ´Ø --- 面對政敵及媒介的指控：民主黨依仗「危機框架」借力 / Chapter ´Ø --- 傳媒對民主黨持有的雙重標準 / Chapter ´Ø --- 黨人看記者的另一種態度 / Chapter ´Ø --- 小結：化弱爲強一一處理新聞框架的相應策略(危機感效應） / Chapter 6.3 --- 民建聯的崛起：憑組織戰喚起傳媒重視 / Chapter ´Ø --- 黨的傳播目標及策略 / Chapter ´Ø --- 四個框架發展空間：建黨特質 財政方面 組織資源一鐵票理論 中方介入一新華社的角色 / Chapter ´Ø --- 運用組織資源淨化不利因素 / Chapter ´Ø --- 力陳「親中」政治資本，建立知名度 / Chapter ´Ø --- 媒介策略的成效評估 / Chapter ´Ø --- 民建聯談組織、功績加包裝的「雙重勤勞」 / Chapter ´Ø --- 親中特色黨派與傳媒意識形態的矛盾 / Chapter ´Ø --- 組織傳播特質與傳媒的利害關係 / Chapter ´Ø --- 小結 / Chapter 6.5 --- 政黨、傳媒的低度結合：香港的特殊性 / Chapter ´Ø --- 政黨支配傳媒的局限 / Chapter ´Ø --- 採訪、報道行規的拉力 / Chapter ´Ø --- 賽馬式新聞報道與新聞從業員的作業取向 / Chapter ´Ø --- 記者個人預設的世界觀 / Chapter ´Ø --- 記者與行內參考群的互動協商 / Chapter ´Ø --- 傳媒與黨以外的框架設定因素 / Chapter ´Ø --- 小結：宏觀情境因素「中方介入」與「民意方向」干預新聞框架的生態 / Chapter 七、 --- 結論：硏究回應及啓示 --- p.102 / Chapter 八、 --- 參考書目 --- p.107