Los padres de familia que invierten en la adquisición de servicios para realizar el cumpleaños idóneo de su menor hijo manifiestan tener poco tiempo para organizar el evento, que en muchas situaciones los conlleva a sentir preocupación y estrés. Asimismo, en la actualidad existe poca presencia de empresas que logran integrar diversos servicios como show de entretenimiento, decoración y catering en una misma plataforma digital. El modelo de negocio de PartyMe está embozado para los padres de familia con poco tiempo para la organización del cumpleaños de su menor, que pertenezcan al nivel socioeconómico AB, cuenten con un alto poder adquisitivo, sean modernas y realicen interacciones cibernéticas. La ventaja competitiva de PartyMe es la capacidad de respuesta inmediata sobre las consultas de los usuarios, así como los servicios totalmente diferenciados, verificados y con calidad garantizada. Además, se ofrecerá flexibilidad en pagos donde no sea indispensable el efectivo y con total seguridad. El desarrollo del presente documento consta de dos partes, la primera se refleja la validación del modelo de negocio en base a una investigación cualitativa y la segunda parte mostrará cómo es este negocio financieramente rentable. / "Parents who pay for acquisition of services in order to celebrate the ideal birthday of their youngest son state that they have little time to organize the event, which in many situations leads them to feel worry and stress. Likewise, currently there is little presence of business that manage to integrate various services such as entertainment, decoration and catering shows on the same digital platform. PartyMe's business model is designed for parents with little time to organize their child's birthday, who belong to the socioeconomic level A and B, have high purchasing power, modern and carry out cyber interactions. PartyMe's competitive advantage is the ability to respond immediately to user queries; as well as totally differentiated, verified and guaranteed quality services. In addition, flexibility in payments will be offered where cash is not essential and with total security. The development of this document consists of two parts, the first reflects the validation of the business model based on qualitative research and the second part will show how financially profitable this business is. / Trabajo de investigación

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The purpose of this dissertation was to address the problem expressed in the following question: "Why have the opposition political parties in Lesotho weakened since 1993?" A qualitative approach was used. The researcher interviewed officials of twelve representative parties out of the total of eighteen parties. The responses of the interviewees are in appendix 5. This work reveals the problems of the opposition parties in Lesotho. Among others, the study addressed the following issues: the reform of the electoral system, political party funding, dominance of the ruling party, prohibitive legislation and party leadership. The potential strengths and weaknesses of the opposition parties have been noted. The MMP electoral model, introduced in 2001 and tested in 2002, created a more inclusive party system, but it is not the sole solution for the weakness of the opposition parties. Patronisation and lack of political party funding appear to be major factors. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)

Most studies of emerging Swedish parties and politics have mainly focused on the Swedish Social Democrats and their struggle for democracy and political power, most as a prelude  to the so called ”Swedish Model”. Competing parties have received attention from historians on the national level, but their local origin remains to large extent an open field. The aim of this study is to investigate how local political factors shaped the emerging liberal party organizations in two small Swedish towns. By a case-oriented comparison two towns are contrasted, Skövde in Skaraborg county and Filipstad in Värmland. This thesis suggests that the distinction between national politics and municipal government, based on the interests of economic elites, was transformed during the period 1880-1920. During this period local elections and local government became increasingly sites for political struggle between different parties, with new agendas. With a framework that considered parties in light of their functions rather than organizational types and theoretical concepts borrowed from the sociology of social movements, the thesis main results suggest that political mobilization and liberal party-formation was depending on the local political traditions. The theoretical framework made it possible to pinpoint both similarities and differences between the cases. The results of the study indicate that the historical tradition is central to parties to emerge and flourish. This suggests that it is more meaningful to focus attention on local and regional processes to understand the historical development than has previously been done. / De svenska partiernas historia är relativt väl känd på nationell nivå, men deras lokala ursprung är mindre utforskat och inte minst gäller det borgerliga partier. I den här avhandlingen undersöks hur lokalpolitiska faktorer formade de framväxande frisinnade, eller liberala, lokalorganisationerna i Filipstad och Skövde. Avhandlingen visar att politisk mobilisering och politisk organisering i städerna i hög grad formades av lokala och regionala politiska traditioner. Den visar också att kommunerna var politiserade långt före att de nationella partierna tog hand om valen och kommunala frågor.   Studien visar att det fanns en kontinuitet mellan äldre lokala partier och de lokalavdelningar av nationella partier som etablerades efter sekelskiftet 1900. Det var en kontinuitet som återspeglades såväl ideologiskt som organisatoriskt.     Avhandlingens resultat pekar på att det är mer meningsfullt att fokusera uppmärksamheten mot lokala och regionala politiseringsprocesser för att förstå den generella politiska utvecklingen i Sveriges historia än vad som tidigare har gjorts. Anders Forsell är doktorand i historia inom Forskarskolan i regionalt samhällsbyggande. Det här är hans doktorsavhandling.

This research both develops new methods and expands upon existing methodologies in order to improve our understanding of voting patterns and party competition in Britain. The thesis comprises five sections, each of which relates to a particular research focus. The first and principal section describes the process of determining a new method for decomposing electoral bias for three-party competition under simple plurality rules of voting. The study of electoral bias is important for voting systems that requires periodic boundary reviews intended to equalise electorate and to remove malapportionment. These papers describe both the process for developing the threeparty bias method and later its application to UK general elections from 1983 onwards. The second section uses aggregate data gathered for the elections to the Greater London Authority in order to understand the patterns of electoral support across the capital, particularly support for minor parties. A considerable amount of research effort has been expended upon providing reliable models for electoral forecasting both in the UK and elsewhere. The third section includes a paper that develops a forecast model that utilises aggregate local election data to estimate national vote shares for the three main parties in the UK. A fourth section brings together a series of papers that are linked by the themes of voter behaviour, either in terms of geographical or ballot context. A study of voter turnout in a London borough describes the relationship between proximity to polling station and electoral turnout at different types of election. A 8 number of papers included in this section also detail the effects of candidate ballot order on electoral support. The fifth and final section groups together two papers that using individual-level survey data to describe the pattern of candidate recruitment for local elections in Britain and, specifically, the under-recruitment of both women and Black, Asian and other minority ethnic candidates.

This study develops a model explaining support for contemporary extreme-right parties. The history and political setting of relevant countries are examined. The research explores necessary state-level conditions, which are postindustrialism, convergence to the center by major parties, and proportional representation. Individual support is probed using survey data with bivariate and probit analyses. Being male and younger proved to be significant variables, while socio-economic status did not. Concerning issues, personal disaffection for immigrants, favoring nationalistic hiring practices, and free-market tendencies were significant variables. Opposition to feminism and pride to be from one's nation were insignificant explanations for extreme-right support. Implications of the analysis are discussed as are issues concerning future research.

Unitarian preacher and Union Army officer Liberty Billings arrived in Florida in 1863 with the First South Carolina Volunteer Infantry. Billings settled in Fernandina and became active in Florida Reconstruction politics as a Radical Republican. Most ot the rhetoric regarding Billings focuses on his participation in the 1868 Florida Constitution Convention even though he went on to be State Senator and an influential citizen in Fernandina. This thesis examines the life of Liberty Billings focusing on events preceding and following the Convention. In doing so, it argues that Billings' participation in Reconstruction politics derived from his experiences prior to the Civil War as did his transition from emancipationist to reconciliationist. By examining the earlier years of Billings' life as well as the evidence of his campaigns during 1867, his term as State Senator and Supreme Court cases, it will be demonstrated that Billings abandoned racial equality for class supremacy. / by Rhonda V. Asarch. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

Diese Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwiefern die Medien während des Wahl-kampfs über die Wahlprogramme der Parteien berichten. Die Wahlprogramme der Parteien enthalten Informationen darüber, was Parteien nach der Wahl vorhaben. Allerdings lesen wenige Wählerinnen und Wähler Wahlprogramme. Die vergangene Forschung über und mit Wahlprogrammdaten hat bisher angenommen, dass der Inhalt von Wahlprogrammen von den Medien verbreitet wird. Diese Doktorarbeit untersucht diese Annahme empirisch und analysiert, ob und wie Massenmedien während des Wahlkampfs über die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme berichten. Wenn Massenmedien nicht die Inhalte der Wahlprogramme verbreiten würden, hätten Bürgerinnen und Bürger kaum Chancen sich über das programmatische Angebot der Parteien zu informieren. In dieser Arbeit wird das Konzept des Manifesto-Medien-Links entwickelt. Das Konzept bringt Theorien des Parteienwettbewerbs und Theorien der Medienselektion zusammen. Der Manifesto-Medien-Link formuliert drei Bedingungen, welche empirisch getestet werden können. Diese sind: Erstens, Medienberichterstattung und Wahlprogramme müssen zumindest zu einem gewissen Grad dieselben Themen diskutieren. Zweitens, Journalisten müssen Sachfragen mit jenen Parteien verknüpfen, welche diese Themen in ihren Wahlprogrammen stärker betonen als ihre Konkurrenten, um Wählerinnen und Wähler über die Prioritäten der Parteien zu informieren. Drittens, Medien müssen die ideologische Orientierung einer Partei sowie Veränderungen dieser korrekt wiedergeben. Methodisch werden in der Arbeit Wahlprogramm- und Mediendaten kombiniert. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass der Manifesto-Medien-Link relativ stabil ist. Außerdem wird gezeigt, dass es nur geringe systematische Verzerrungen zugunsten bestimmter Parteien gibt. Jedoch zeigen sich Unterschiede zwischen Qualitäts- und Boulevardmedien. Die Ergebnisse haben Implikationen für unser Verständnis von politischer Repräsentation und den politischen Wettbewerb. / This study analyzes whether media coverage covers messages from parties’ electoral programs (manifestos). Electoral programs contain detailed information on a party’s future policy-making. However, few voters read electoral programs. Still, prior research often assumed that the content of manifestos is known to voters because media disseminate the content of manifestos to voters. This dissertation evaluates this “mediation assumption” empirically, and analyzes whether and how the mass media cover parties’ electoral programs during the electoral campaign. If media coverage did not reflect parties’ electoral programs, citizens would have no chance to base their vote choice on evaluations of those programs. This study introduces the concept of the manifesto-media link in order to describe how media coverage can reflect programmatic offers. The manifesto-media link is formulated as three conditions that can be empirically evaluated and tested in a similar way to the conditions of the responsible party model. These are: First, media must cover similar issues to those that parties cover in their electoral programs. Second, media coverage must link issues with parties that emphasize these issues more than their competitors, in order to inform about the parties’ issue priorities. Third, media must frame parties as left or right in a way that represents how parties emphasize left or right positions in their own manifestos. Methodologically, the study combines secondary content analytical data on media coverage during the electoral campaign with data based on electoral programs. The findings suggest that the manifesto-media link is stable and robust. There is little to no systematic bias in favor of a certain type of party, however there are differences between quality and tabloid media. These findings contribute to our understanding of political representation and the functioning of political competition.

O presente trabalho se dedica ao estudo dos efeitos processuais da alienação da coisa ou direito litigioso, permitida no direito brasileiro. Para tanto, revisita a origem do instituto desde o direito romano até o Código de Processo Civil brasileiro de 1973, levando em consideração as teorias tradicionais nacionais e estrangeiras sobre o tema. Define-se a natureza jurídica da alienação da coisa ou direito litigioso, a sua identificação no processo, bem como os demais requisitos para incidência dos efeitos previstos no art. 42 do Código de Processo Civil (manutenção do alienante no processo, extensão dos efeitos da sentença ao adquirente e possibilidade de intervenção do adquirente no processo). A análise desses efeitos à luz dos escopos da norma se constitui como fio condutor da exposição, utilizada como solução para intrincados problemas que ainda não encontram consenso na doutrina e na jurisprudência, entre os quais pode-se destacar os limites dos poderes dos sujeitos envolvidos na alienação da coisa litigiosa (alienante, adquirente e contraparte), e a mitigação da extensão dos efeitos da sentença ao adquirente que não tinha ciência da litigiosidade do bem adquirido. Por fim, realiza-se a interpretação comparativa do instituto da alienação da coisa litigiosa com a modalidade de fraude de execução prevista no art. 593, inc. I, do Código de Processo Civil (instituto tipicamente brasileiro), pugnando-se pela admissibilidade da alienação da coisa litigiosa mesmo em caso de ação fundada em direito real, mediante a submissão da situação ao regramento previsto no art. 42 do Código de Processo Civil. / This work studies the procedural effects of the claim assignment, allowed under Brazilian law. The work revisits the origins of the institute from Roman law to the Brazilian Civil Procedure Code, 1973, considering national and international traditional theories about the subject. The paper defines the legal nature of the claim assignment, and its identification in the lawsuit, as well as other requirements for the applying of the effects prescribed by article 42 of the Civil Procedure Code (assignor maintenance in the lawsuit, extending of the effects of decision to the assignee and the assignee\'s possibility to intervene in the lawsuit). The analysis of such effects regarding the purposes of the rule leads the explanation, which is used as a solution for intricate problems without consensus on doctrine and jurisprudence, including the limits of the powers of the subjects involved in the claim assignment (assignor, assignee and opposing party in the lawsuit), and mitigation of the extending of the decision effects to the assignee, unaware of the litigiousness of the object. Finally, it is done a comparative interpretation of the institute with the modality of enforcement fraud prescribed by article 593, I, of the Civil Procedure Code (a typically Brazilian institute), concluding that the claim assignment is possible even in case of a lawsuit founded on real property law, upon submission of the situation to the rules prescribed by article 42 of the Civil Procedure Code.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-07-18T12:07:12Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Barletta.pdf: 1159795 bytes, checksum: e94f1b9de9ca67e4132c7d30cae17153 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-18T12:07:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Barletta.pdf: 1159795 bytes, checksum: e94f1b9de9ca67e4132c7d30cae17153 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The present study is an analysis over third parties’ measures against an award that directly affects them. Initially, the principles that sustain the arbitration institute shall be investigated. Following, the concepts of party and third party to the arbitration agreement shall be verified. Finally, the award and its effects are examined, in order to enable the final analysis of which remedies against the award are available under the Brazilian legal system to the parties and to third parties of the arbitration agreement / O presente estudo compreende uma análise acerca da interposição de recursos por terceiros prejudicados em face da sentença arbitral proferida. Inicialmente, analisam-se os princípios que estruturam o instituto da arbitragem, para, em seguida, verificar-se os conceitos de partes e terceiros sob a ótica arbitral. Posteriormente, examinam-se a sentença arbitral e seus efeitos, com o objetivo de adentrar a parte derradeira da presente análise, composta pelos remédios das partes contra a sentença arbitral e, finalmente, pelos recursos de terceiros prejudicados propriamente ditos, cabíveis em face da sentença arbitral