O presente trabalho se dedica ao estudo dos efeitos processuais da alienação da coisa ou direito litigioso, permitida no direito brasileiro. Para tanto, revisita a origem do instituto desde o direito romano até o Código de Processo Civil brasileiro de 1973, levando em consideração as teorias tradicionais nacionais e estrangeiras sobre o tema. Define-se a natureza jurídica da alienação da coisa ou direito litigioso, a sua identificação no processo, bem como os demais requisitos para incidência dos efeitos previstos no art. 42 do Código de Processo Civil (manutenção do alienante no processo, extensão dos efeitos da sentença ao adquirente e possibilidade de intervenção do adquirente no processo). A análise desses efeitos à luz dos escopos da norma se constitui como fio condutor da exposição, utilizada como solução para intrincados problemas que ainda não encontram consenso na doutrina e na jurisprudência, entre os quais pode-se destacar os limites dos poderes dos sujeitos envolvidos na alienação da coisa litigiosa (alienante, adquirente e contraparte), e a mitigação da extensão dos efeitos da sentença ao adquirente que não tinha ciência da litigiosidade do bem adquirido. Por fim, realiza-se a interpretação comparativa do instituto da alienação da coisa litigiosa com a modalidade de fraude de execução prevista no art. 593, inc. I, do Código de Processo Civil (instituto tipicamente brasileiro), pugnando-se pela admissibilidade da alienação da coisa litigiosa mesmo em caso de ação fundada em direito real, mediante a submissão da situação ao regramento previsto no art. 42 do Código de Processo Civil. / This work studies the procedural effects of the claim assignment, allowed under Brazilian law. The work revisits the origins of the institute from Roman law to the Brazilian Civil Procedure Code, 1973, considering national and international traditional theories about the subject. The paper defines the legal nature of the claim assignment, and its identification in the lawsuit, as well as other requirements for the applying of the effects prescribed by article 42 of the Civil Procedure Code (assignor maintenance in the lawsuit, extending of the effects of decision to the assignee and the assignee\'s possibility to intervene in the lawsuit). The analysis of such effects regarding the purposes of the rule leads the explanation, which is used as a solution for intricate problems without consensus on doctrine and jurisprudence, including the limits of the powers of the subjects involved in the claim assignment (assignor, assignee and opposing party in the lawsuit), and mitigation of the extending of the decision effects to the assignee, unaware of the litigiousness of the object. Finally, it is done a comparative interpretation of the institute with the modality of enforcement fraud prescribed by article 593, I, of the Civil Procedure Code (a typically Brazilian institute), concluding that the claim assignment is possible even in case of a lawsuit founded on real property law, upon submission of the situation to the rules prescribed by article 42 of the Civil Procedure Code.

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T14:04:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cilia_GustavoBianezzi_M.pdf: 2374178 bytes, checksum: 88e75cc9af1b35f6eca9afd21449551d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: O partido boliviano Movimiento al Socialismo nasceu de uma federação de camponeses ligados ao plantio de coca no interior do país e mesmo com poucos recursos e experiência administrativa tornou-se o partido dominante do país a partir da eleição de Evo Morales em 2005. De forma particular à dinâmica política vivenciada neste período o partido manteve uma estrutura pouco institucionalizada e alto grau de variação em sua organização de acordo com arranjos locais. Utilizando-se da análise de instituições e da historiografia das demandas e grupos políticos este trabalho busca superar alguns obstáculos presentes na análise do MAS a partir de dois recortes distintos. Em primeiro lugar busca demonstrar como os cocaleiros encabeçaram uma rede de movimentos sociais insurgentes que, construída como alternativa política em um momento de crise no sistema partidário, impõese como um incipiente sistema político de representação popular em um país notadamente fragmentado neste sentido. Em segundo lugar busca encontrar as raízes deste sucesso nas tensões históricas que persistem como demandas populares desde a colonização espanhola, analisando a resignificação destas rupturas durante momentos de construção da identidade política nacional como a Revolução de 52 e a crise do neoliberalismo na virada do século XXI. Juntas, estas duas dinâmicas estruturantes (formação de rede de movimentos sociais e resignificação do discurso nacional-popular) sinalizam para a construção de um novo sistema político naquele país / Abstract: The Bolivian party 'Movimiento al Socialismo' [Movement towards Socialism] was born out of a federation of peasant coca growers in the rural area and even with few resources and no admnistrative experience has become the dominant party in that country with the election of Evo Morales in 2005. In a way characteristic of the political dynamics of the period the party has kept a poorly institutionalized structure and a high degree of variation in its organization according to local arrangements. Making use of institutional analysis and the historiography of demands and political groups this work seeks to adress some obstacles present in any analysis of the MAS with two different approaches. In the first place, it seeks to demonstrate how coca growers led an insurgent network of social movements that, built from the start as a political alternative in a moment of crisis in the party system, presents itself as a starting political system of popular representation in a country markedly fragmented on this subject. In the second place, it seeks to find the roots of this success on the historical tensions that persisted as popular demands since the Spanish colonization, being resignified in particular moments of construction of the national political identity such as the Revolution of 52 and the crisis of the neoliberal model at the end of the XX century. Together, these two structuring processes (both the network of social movements and the rebuilding of a national-popular discourse) signal the construction of a new political system in that country / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

La procédure suivie devant le juge administratif est traversée par une double évolution qui justifie qu’une étude soit consacrée à l’office des parties. A mesure que le droit du contentieux administratif se transforme en un droit du procès administratif, on observe que ce procès n’est plus pensé comme un procès fait à un acte, mais comme un procès entre parties. Le renversement des perspectives auquel invite le point de vue des parties est possible grâce à un instrument d’analyse finaliste du droit : l’office. Ce concept permet de s’interroger sur l’adéquation entre les facultés dont disposent et les charges que supportent les parties – i.e. l’office stricto sensu – et les finalités que l’ordre juridique leur assigne – i.e. l’office lato sensu. Comprises comme les personnes physiques ou morales qui participent au lien juridique d’instance en raison d’un litige né de prétentions propres et contraires sur un droit, les parties au procès poursuivent deux finalités complémentaires : la détermination intéressée de la matière litigieuse et la participation loyale à l’instance. Dès lors, le point de vue des parties permet de mettre en lumière non seulement les facultés et les charges que la doctrine néglige lorsqu’elle envisage le procès administratif sous l’angle exclusif du juge, mais aussi que leur office stricto sensu peut être perfectionné en vue de mieux répondre aux finalités de leur office lato sensu. En permettant de renoncer à une opposition dogmatique entre les procès civil et administratif, l’étude de l’office des parties encourage à inscrire la recherche et l’enseignement du droit du procès administratif dans une perspective résolument processualiste. / The procedure before administrative courts is characterised by a double evolution, which justifies a study to be devoted to the office of the parties in an administrative hearing. As the law of administrative litigation increasingly transforms itself into the law of administrative hearings, one can observe that this process is no longer considered as a trial made to an act, but as a trial between parties. The perspective switch, to which the point of view of the parties to the trial invites, is made possible thanks to an instrument of finalist analysis of the law : the office. This concept makes it possible to question the adequacy between the powers and the charges of the parties - that is, the office stricto sensu - with the goals assigned to them by the legal order - namely, the office lato sensu. Understood as the physical or legal persons who participate in the legal relationship because of a dispute arising from own and contrary claims to a right, the parties to the lawsuit pursue two complementary goals : the interested determination of the dispute and the fair participation in the instance. This study allows to draw two conclusions. On the one hand, the office stricto sensu can be improved in order to better converge toward the office lato sensu. On the other hand, it shows that an opposition between the civil lawsuit and the administrative lawsuit is no longer possible. This study about the parties office in administrative lawsuit reveals the importance of research and teaching in procedural law.

The thesis focuses on funding of political parties and movements in the Czech Republic for twenty-five years. The main aim of the thesis is to assess how state funding of political parties and movements represented in the Chamber of Deputies can differ from the smaller parties which are entitled to state contributions. The first chapter, which is more theoretical, deals with models of funding of political parties. The rules of funding of political parties and movements in the Czech Republic are described in the second chapter. The analysis of total incomes and expenditures of political parties and movements can be found in the third part of the thesis, but also a comparison of these data between the selected parties. The last part of the thesis deals with the new regulation and its contribution to the system of funding of political parties and movements in the Czech Republic.

Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research. / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Thesis (M.A. (Political Science)) -- University of Limpopo, 2014 / The study was about the South African Communist Party (SACP) and its entry into SA politics after 1990. The main question is whether it should contest elections independently of its Tripartite alliance partners led by ANC in democratic SA. As a democratic country it allows any party to participate in the elections. Given that space SACP can contest and triumph electorally thus assume the reins of government. For SA to become socialist, SACP has to campaign and triumph electorally for this to happen. The study followed a qualitative research paradigm. Purposeful sampling was used to collect data through in-depth interviews with information-rich respondents who have specialist knowledge about the study. Interviews and document analysis were used for data collection. For this reason, open-ended questions in the form of an interview guide were used to solicit information, perceptions and attitudes towards and about SACP. A tape recorder was used to capture information from these interviews. The recorded data was transcribed and coded into themes one by one which in turn formed part of the research portfolio. From the study findings contemporary SACP is a product of the revisionism that has come to characterise the post-Cold War. It is not surprising why the party then is not ready to contest election alone.

(in English): [The thesis is focused on communications of the Czech and Slovak parliamentary political parties via Internet based social network Facebook. Thesis' primary research goal is to provide the comparative analysis of the selected political parties' approaches towards their communication activities on Facebook platform during the selected periods of time in 2015. Moreover, the portfolio of the qualitative and quantitative indicators was defined in order to evaluate the ways of communication of the selected political parties in detail. Following the complex portfolio of the indicators, the thesis brings the definition of the communication trends and identifies the main communication differences between the Czech and Slovak political parties on Facebook too. Trends analysis is based on national and transnational perspective. Secondary, the thesis describes the theoretical definition framework and the development of the digital communication discipline in general, while focusing on its reflection in modern political communication area at the same time.]

This dissertation examines how parties respond and adapt their behavior to political violence. Building a theoretical argument about strategic party behavior and party capture, I address the following questions: How do parties select and recruit their candidates in regions with high levels of violence and the pervasive presence of VNAs? Do parties respond to violence by selecting certain types of candidates who are more capable of fighting these organizations? Do parties react differently at different levels of government? And finally, how do VNSAs capture political selection across at different levels of government? I argue that in regions where there is high "uncertainty," candidate selection becomes highly important for both party leaders and DTOs. Second, I argue that as violence increases and the number of DTOs also, criminal organizations, as risk-averse actors, will capture candidate selection. I posit that as violence increases, there is a greater likelihood that candidates will have criminal connections. To test my theory, I use the case of Mexico. Violence in Mexico and the presence of criminal organizations across the country has experienced a great deal of variation since the 1990s. In Chapter 2, I find that violence affects the gubernatorial candidate selection of the PRI, PAN and PRD. In high violence states, parties select gubernatorial candidates with long experience in subnational politics compared to other types of experiences. In chapter 3, however, I find that at the municipal level not all the parties respond equally to violence. As a municipality becomes more violent, the PRI and PAN party leaders are more likely to select mayoral candidates who were either state or federal deputies or candidates who were both. In contrast, the PRD is likely to recruit state deputies as a function of violence, but not national deputies or candidates who were deputies at both the state and federal level. Interestingly, I find that as the municipality becomes more violent, party leaders are less likely to recruit inexperienced candidates. This result suggests that parties do indeed respond to levels of violence. Finally, in Chapter 5, I show that criminal organizations capture candidate selection to reduce uncertainty. As utility-maximizing actors, DTOs seek to influence the selection of candidates as a function of violence. At the state level, criminal organizations are more likely to capture candidate selection in states with the presence of multiple DTOs. Party capture is more likely to happen in states where more than one DTO are fighting to control the turf. I show that criminal organizations at the state level equally capture all parties. This finding reveals that DTOs are diversifying their political connections. While under the dominant party regime, they colluded with PRI officials, under the new political Mexican democratic configuration, DTOs are establishing other political relationships with different political parties.

[pt] A presente tese investiga as relações entre partidos políticos e sociedade civil no Brasil no início do século XXI. A hipótese é a de que a participação ativa dos partidos políticos na vida cotidiana das tradicionais organizações da sociedade civil, ainda que sob graus e qualidades distintas, assumiu novos contornos no período pós-jornadas de junho de 2013. Para tanto, são observadas as filiações partidárias das principais lideranças das centrais sindicais e entidades patronais, o envolvimento dos partidos em organizações da sociedade civil como os movimentos estudantis e os clubes desportivos, bem como os novos movimentos sociais como Vem Pra Rua, MBL, Frente Brasil Popular e Frente Povo Sem Medo. A partir de uma observação comparada, o estudo apresenta como pano de fundo casos internacionais como Podemos na Espanha, Syriza na Grécia, Bloco de Esquerda em Portugal, Die Linke na Alemanha, Front de Gauche em França e Movimento 5 Estrelas na Itália como exemplos daquilo que a literatura contemporânea tem conceituado como Partidos-Movimento. Além da análise comparada, o método adotado mescla instrumentos da sociologia política com a ciência política. / [en] This thesis investigates the relationships between political parties and civil society in Brazil at the beginning of the 21st century. The assumption is that the active participation of political parties in the daily life of traditional civil society organizations, even under different grades and qualities, took on new contours after June 2013. With this purpose, it will be shown the investigation of the affiliations in the parties in civil society organizations such as student movements and sports clubs, and the new social movements such as Vem Pra Rua, MBL, Frente Brasil Popular and Povo Sem Medo. From a comparative observation, the study presents international cases such as Podemos in Spain, Syriza in Greece, Bloco de Esquerda in Portugal, Die Linke in Germany, Front de Gauche in France and 5-Star Movement in Italy as examples of what contemporary literature has conceptualized as Movement-Party. Besides the comparative analysis, the adopted method mixes instruments of political sociology with political Science.

Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1 was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland. Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het, is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis gehad. Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid- Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel. Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het. Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig kon word. As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors, A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive influence on South African political history. The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for itself an important position of power within the National Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also in a personal capacity. Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be safeguarded and maintained. After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas. Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.