China’s import cross-border e-commerce (CICBEC) business model differs from other online shopping business models in both the participators and transaction processes. Government as an important participator has greatly promoted the healthy and rapid development of this business model. As a vital topic in all kinds of businesses, customer trust is also a core research topic in online shopping. Many scholars have studied customer trust in traditional online shopping while few of them focused on cross-border online shopping, let alone the CICBEC business model. The government is a new participator, whose contribution on customer trust is not clear. Also, other known variables’ influences on customer trust are still worthy of discussion. This research aims to address existing research gap by contributing to Lee and Turban (2001)’s Customer Trust in Internet Shopping (CTIS) Model and constructing a new customer trust model. A number of influencing factors of customer trust were defined and tested in this research. It shows that influencing factors from four participators, the e-retailers, e- commerce platforms, government and third-parties, have a significant correlation with customer trust. The final results show that order fulfillment, government actions, e-retailer reputation, information quality, e-commerce platform security and e-commerce platform reputation have significant influences on customer trust.

Between 1945 and 1969 the Sudanese achieved independence and overthrew a military junta with a popular uprising. Nevertheless both democratic periods were quickly ended by military coups. At the same time a civil war divided the country. The thesis asks why the democratic structures were so unstable, and unable to end the conflict between north and south. It argues that the ideas about the Sudanese nation by different groups were so contradictory, that no nation could be built. As a result, the political system failed to find a stable form and to deliver policy results to the constituents. The thesis is using political parties as units of analysis and primarily the constitutional process and, secondarily, questions of independence and sovereignty, as prisms. It discusses the history of the political parties within the context of the political history of Sudan. The discussions about the constitution are understood as one form of expressing ideas about the nation. The thesis presents the different suggestions for the constitution by different parties, especially in regards to governance, federalism, and religion. These contradictory ideas led to the failure of the constitution writing process. The thesis argues that the contradictory positions of the parties created a dual deadlock, which led to a breakdown of democracy. Firstly, due to reciprocal distrust, widely diverging platforms, and generally the difficulty of forming coalition governments, especially in the absence of a democratic tradition, coalitions became extremely unstable and politicians were forced to invest a lot of time and effort to keep coalitions alive and in consequence concrete political actions did not receive enough attention. Secondly, the divergent perceptions of the nation led to a situation where they stopped to see each other as part of the same nation and therefore stopped to recognise others as legitimately participating in the political process.

The concept of ideology's theory-building potential has been under-exploited in studies of contemporary nationalism. This study offers a novel approach to 'neo-nationalism' by defining it as an ideology, embedding it in a theory of discourse, and extending this framework to a methodology based on text analysis. Qualitative deconstruction of texts using the tools of literary theory is one of the research methods used, complemented by evidence from elite interviews and a survey of primary sources. In order to illustrate how neo-nationalism is discursively constructed, the core of the ideology is distinguished from its periphery. Furthermore, parties are characterised as ideologues in contemporary society and placed within the postmodern framework of discourse theory. Case studies of the Scottish National Party and the Christlich-Soziale Union in Bavaria examine their interpretations of nationalist ideology through analysis of the rhetoric used in recent election campaigns. The parties are of particular interest because they attempt to reconcile core nationalist goals with contemporary political issues, such as that of integration within the European Union. The SNP is an example of a neo-nationalist party in that it pursues its core, immutable goal of prioritising the nation by promoting Scottish autonomy within a larger European framework. The CSU, on the other hand, is neo-nationalist in that its policies and rhetorical appeals revolve around a national nodal point articulated in terms of the Heimat. It has sought to defend Bavarian autonomy by profiling itself as the archetypal Bavarian party with an important role to play in both the German and European political arenas. The case studies demonstrate that a nationalist party's support for European integration may reinforce rather than undermine its core commitment to self-determination. Moreover, the ideological constructs developed by neo-nationalist parties can usefully be characterised in terms of discourse theory. Both the CSU and the SNP seek to 'de-contest' their interpretations of the nation and achieve conceptual hegemony by establishing their ideology as 'common sense'. Post-modem theory thus not only provides the epistemological grounding of the study, but also paves the way for a methodological approach designed to analyse neo-nationalism in its specificity.

published_or_final_version / Sociology / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Philosophy

This paper traces La Llorona’s evolution from ancient Aztec cosmology to Trace Elements of Random Tea Parties, a contemporary novel by Felicia Luna Lemus. I argue that the protagonist’s entrenchment in her own Llorona myth ultimately inhibits the development of a queer community in collaboration with the community of her birth. While Trace Elements of Random Tea Parties leaves the tension between familial duty and personal desire unresolved, the constant narrative oscillation between past tea parties with Leti’s grandmothers and present tea parties with Leti’s chosen lesbian familia opens a space for new kinship structures to emerge, remapping the contours of the Mexican-American family and a woman’s role within it. / text

自一九七四年四月二十五日，葡萄牙推翻統治近五十年的軍事獨裁政權，三個月後，希臘的軍事獨裁政權遭受到同樣被推翻的命運，隨後佛朗哥獨裁統治近三十六年的西班牙亦被波及。因此，這股起自七0年代中期南歐軍事獨裁國家的民主化浪潮，形成了人類歷史上的第三波民主化浪潮。這股民主化浪潮橫過大西洋，在八0年代湧進拉丁美洲的權威統治國家，並跨越太平洋而波及東亞的非民主國家，並在九0年代衝破東歐的共黨鐵幕，最後直搗共黨國家的老大哥─蘇聯。這股民主化浪潮在十餘年間橫掃過近三十個國家，而台灣為其中之一。 台灣地區威權體制在內外環境變槍所衍生的壓力下，終於在八0年代初期出現鬆動的跡象，無法再對政治反對力量的組織化行動，探取強力的壓制措施。因此，國民黨政權對反對人士在一九八四年成立的「黨外公職人員公共政策研究會」，雖在成立初期聲稱將依法予以取締，但隨後卻與之進行溝通協商，並且政治反對人士更進一步在一九八六年九月二十八日，正式宣布成立新黨─民主進步黨，以至一九八七年的解嚴，開始了台灣地區威權體制的轉化。 雖然社會科學界有關促使台灣地區威權體制進行轉化的因素之研究，自解嚴後的進五、六年以來便開始大量出現，因此對台灣地區威權體制之特質有深一步的認識。但大多數的研究通常僅就威權體制的某單一面向進行分析與論述，因而往往割裂威權體制的功能聯結關係與轉化過程之整體性，以致無法對威權體制及其轉化過程所呈現出的社會整體現象加以掌握和解釋。因此，本文擬就歷史─結構的觀點，採取國家中心理論的研究途徑，審視國民黨掌握之國家機關其自主的取得，以及國民黨政權在理事的動態過程中，因應內外政經結構變遷所產生之需要，採取符合其威權統治之全力系統特質的合理化措施，所形成的威權體制之功能聯結關係，並以此一權威體制的功能聯結關係，來說明和解釋台灣社會的整體現象。 據此，本論文的第一章緒論，針對相關的研究途徑及文獻加以分析探討，從而建立本文的研究分析架構，而在第二、三、四、五章，分別探討台灣地區威權體制的演進，恩庇侍從關係利益中介機制的本質，物質基礎以及其運作，獨占性國家資本主義經濟體制之二分化市場結構、二元化產業政策核對美日依賴的三角循環結構，以及在國家統合主義公會支配結構下之工會組織、勞工運動的興起與消退。再第六章結論中，說明權威體制的功能聯結關係，以及因此一功能聯結關係所衍生出來的社會諸多弊端之現象，並依據台灣的政經現實環境條件，企圖指出台灣再權威體制轉化時期隻政經體制蟲見的可能方向與十件的順序步驟，希望藉此能對台灣未來的政經發展，多提供一個思考的可能方向，而有助於台灣地區合理政經體制的建立。

本文是一篇政治學的研究論文，試圖根據中國明代史料，分析明末黨爭特別激烈的原 因及其影響 。全文共一冊，九萬字。 第一章 導論，分為三節，首先說明研究動機，再界定明黨與政黨的異同，及研究範 圍、方法。 第二章 分析黨爭的形成因素，分為四節，分別從歷史背景、政治制度、爭取仕進與 思想背景四方面探討黨爭起因。 第三章 敘逑黨爭的發展，依萬曆、泰昌與天啟、崇禎、南明三朝分為四節。 第四章 接著探討黨爭所造成影響，也分為四節，包括 突的蔓延，善惡黑白二分， 造成明之亡國、及合法反對、制 觀念難以建立。 第五章 結論，肯定明代是只有黨禍而無政黨，如果用人制度未能客觀化、法律化黨 爭即不可免。

L'objectif de cette thèse est de savoir s'il existe des écarts entre les attentes des parties prenantes et l'information diffusée par l'exploitant sur le risque nucléaire dans son rapport annuel. Je m'interroge sur les motifs qui conduisent les entreprises à diffuser des informations environnementales, en combinant les théories de la légitimité et des parties prenantes. Je dresse ensuite le constat que la comptabilité financière ne permet pas de rendre compte de l'ensemble du risque nucléaire : les traductions comptables n'intègrent pas les risques de survenance incertaine et aux dommages éventuels élevés. Cette thèse élargit le champ d'analyse et englobe l'ensemble des informations diffusées dans le rapport annuel. Je conduis ensuite une étude pour déterminer les attentes des parties prenantes en matière d'informations sur le risque nucléaire, puis les confronte aux informations diffusées par les exploitants. 7 % de l'information diffusée sur le risque nucléaire dans les rapports annuels est chiffrée, visible et traitant d'objectifs ou d'actions précis. De nombreuses informations ne sont pas diffusées : les attentes des parties prenantes régulatrices, financières et, dans une moindre mesure, médiatiques semblent satisfaites tandis que celles des associations du secteur le seraient très imparfaitement.

<p>The aim was to analyse how the political parties, relate to questions of young individuals in Sweden, particularly to the question of youth unemployment. The theoretical basis encompassed two perspectives explaining party politics - “the party as outflow of society” and “the party as actor”, derived from the structure-agency school. Units of analysis were the parliamentary parties and their youth organisations, and the material comprised the parliament’s special debate of youth</p><p>unemployment in 2006, and text from the youth organisations' web sites. The method was qualitative with an interpretative approach. Conclusions were that young individuals in society have a limited impact on the appearance of political parties. No party has a stable responsiveness to questions of young individuals; only three out of the seven youth organisations had the current youth unemployment on the agenda (parties as outflow of society). All parties had suggestions on how to combat unemployment, but not all had suggestions directed towards youth in particular. The proposals were adjusted to other party policies to facilitate a power position through alliances</p><p>(parties as actors). The Centre party brought forward the current youth unemployment the most and “the special youth agreements” might attract new voters, including young individuals, but could also deter traditional voters.</p>