(p. 1) The Ciskei homeland, which is a 'sub-state' of the Republic of South Africa, attained a semi-autonomous status as a result of the implementation of the Bantustan policy of the Government of the Republic of South Africa. This semi-autonomous status introduced a Westminster type of parliamentary system which in turn brought into being a political party system. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate, amongst other things, the roles played by these political parties:- i) What role would the political parties play in the struggle of the Ciskeians for equal political rights vis - a-vis white South Africa? ii) Whose interests would those political parties serve? iii) This semi-autonomous status has resulted in the juxtaposing of traditional and modern political institutions. The political institutions that have emerged, include inter alia, legislative assemblies and political parties. These modern political institutions have been superimposed on traditional political institutions. What effect(s) would the one have on the other? iv) Would the development of political parties lead to the establishment of a one, two or dominant party system? In order that the above questions may be answered, i) An attempt will be made to define a political system, illustrating the concept with examples taken from the Republic of South Africa political scene and at the same time, attention will be directed to the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei. ii) When investigating the political party and the political party system, the role played by the political parties and the political party system in the relationship between the Republic of South Africa and the Ciskei will be defined. / Ciskei (South Africa) -- Politics and government / KMBT_363 / Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

1 Resumé This thesis deals with the topic of "Parties to contentious proceedings". The parties involved in the dispute represent the cornerstone of any civil proceedings. Without the parties, there would be no civil procedure at all. The parties, the courts and other subjects make up the basic elements of the civil proceedings. Which is also the reason why the definition of the parties have the significant impact on the entire civil procedure. The civil procedure can be defined as a body of law that sets out the procedure rules for courts, disputing parties and other subjects, while defence to breached or threatened subjective rights and lawful interests is provided. The thesis offers a scope into the historical consequences of the concept of parties to present form along with the development of civil procedure with its changes. Besides that there is description of subjects who are involved in the civil procedure. For better differentiating a proceedings of proceedings there are listed other types of civil proceedings. Especially the contentious and non-contentious proceedings. The introductory chapters for the parties address the issue of who can become a party to the proceedings and what the conditions are. The conditions include, in particular, the capacity to possess rights and duties and the capacity...

Notre travail a pour ambition de proposer une réflexion sur les fonctionnements et les fonctions de la fête publique au XVIIème siècle. Nous avons choisi , au delà des fêtes de cour déjà abondamment étudiées, de nous intéresser à des manifestations qui, d'une manière ou d'une autre, mettent en jeu l'ensemble de la population. Nous avons circonscrit notre recherche à l'espace provençal, où l'on dispose de documents extrêmement intéressants.Dans la première partie dont la fonction est de saisir les différentes notions incluses dans la fête et ses représentations , on explore les traits caractéristiques de la fête en général au XVIIème siècle : circonstances, structures, participants, etc. Dans la deuxième partie on traite des fêtes populaires dans lesquelles s’inscrivent deux catégories : le carnaval et les fêtes carnavalesques. Dans la première catégorie, on étudie le carnaval, ses origines, son déroulement et ses enjeux en montrant que c’est la fête populaire par excellence. Ensuite pour ce qui est des fêtes dites carnavalesques, nous avons choisi d’étudier trois fêtes différentes: la fête des Fous/Innocents, la Fête-Dieu et le charivari. Chacune d’entre elles est une fête bien particulière mais elles ont toutes des traits qui les rattachent au carnaval. Dans toutes ces manifestations, on voit l’importance du masque , des déguisements qui offrent l’occasion d’une certaine théâtralité permettant le renversement des rôles, la parodie et parfois même une satire assez débridée .Dans la troisième partie de notre étude il est question des fêtes institutionnelles,avec tout d’abord les fêtes d’événements nationaux qui sont des cérémonies organisées pour célébrer un événement national ou un événement majeur de la vie monarchique: naissance, mariage, victoire... Mais les fêtes institutionnelles qui nous intéresseront le plus sont les entrées royales d’un point de vue politique beaucoup plus importantes et plus significatives que les fêtes concernant des événements nationaux. L’entrée royale se définit comme étant une visite que le roi effectue dans ses bonnes villes lors d’un voyage. Pour justifier ces données nous utilisons des entrées royales des trois règnes différents du XVIIème siècle: celui d'Henri IV ( Marie de Médicis), de Louis XIII et de Louis XIV et cela dans trois villes de Provence bien précises, Marseille, Aix et Avignon qui sont les villes « étapes » lors des voyages des hauts personnages. Dans la quatrième et dernière partie, on montre comment les fêtes populaires et institutionnelles présentent des traits convergents, bien qu’elles soient, a priori, assez différentes. Dans le contact qui rassemble des individus, on retrouve un aspect fondamental de la société de cette époque : la prégnance du groupe. Au XVIIème siècle, l’individualisme n’existe pas encore, chaque individu se définit par rapport à un groupe ou à un ensemble de groupes. Tout cela corrobore l’idée que l’individu agit selon le contexte (la fête) en fonction de ce qu’il est ou de ce qu’il voudrait être. Entre l’exhibition et la dissimulation, la frontière est assez mince : le masque est le rideau qui sépare ces deux postures. Dans l’entrée royale, on est dans la réalité des faits, projetée et actée : c’est une immense représentation (souvent fantasmée) de la structure sociale ; dans le carnaval, on n’est plus dans l’ordre de l'illusoire, on se plaît à être un autre, brouillant ainsi toute la réalité des choses établies dans un fantasme momentanément représenté / Our work has for ambition to propose a reflection on the fonctionnions and the fonctions (offices) of the public party in the seventeenth century. We chose, beyond the parties of court already abundantly studied, to interest us in démonstrations (apparences) wich, somehow or other, involve the whole population. We confined our search in the Provençal space, where we have extremely interesting documents. In the first part with which function (office) is to seize the various notions included in the party and its representations, we investigate the characteristic lines of the party generally in the seventeenth century : circonstances, structures, participants,etc. In the second part we treat popular parties which join two categories : the carnival and the grotesque parties. In the first category, we study the carnival, its origins, its progress and its stakes by showing that it is the perfect popular party. Then as for the grotesque said parties, we chose to study three different parties : the party of the Madmen/Innocents, the Corpus Christi and the charivari. Each of them is a very particular party but they quite concern who connect them with the carnival. In all these demonstrations, we see the importance of the mask, the fancy dresses which offer the opportunité of a theatricality allowing the reversal of the roles, the parody and sometimes even an unbridled satire. In the third part of our study it is question of all the parties of national events which are ceremonies organized to celebrate a national event or a major event of the monarchic life : birth, wadings, victory… But the official party which will interest us most are the royal political entrances of a point of view more significant than the paries concerning national évents. The royal entrance definies itself as being a visit that king make in his cities during a travel. To justify these informations we use royal entrance of three reigns different from the seventeenth century : that of Henri IV (Marie de Médicis), of Louis XIII and Louis XIV and it in the three very precise cities of Provence, Marseille, Aix et Avignon which are cities « stages » during the travel of the High dignitaires. In the fourth and last part, we show how the popular and institutional parties present convergent lines, although they are rather diffent, a priori. In the contact which gathers individuals, we find a fundamental aspect of the society of this period : the sign of the group. In the seventeenth century, the individualism does not still exist, every individual acts according to the context (party) according to what he is or what he would like to be. Between the exhibition and the dissimulation, the border is rather thin : the mask is the curtain which separates these two postures. In the royal entrance, we are in the reality of the facts, planned and acted : it is an immense representation of the social order; in the carnival, we are more in the order of the imaginary, we like tobe the other one, so blurring all the reality of things etablisse in a for moment represented fantasy

The thesis analyses the position and strategy of the opposition in the Parliament. The thesis also provides an international comparison within the Visegrad Group (The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia). Main attention is paid to the opposition in the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic. The purpose of this thesis is to demonstrate which factors affect behavior of opposition and how the strategy of opposition differs in the Parliament. The thesis deals with behavior of representatives of political parties with low coalition potential and with options which opposition can use in relation to the government.

The dissertation will address the ongoing debate in Comparative Politics about the virtues and pathologies of rational choice theory by testing competing hypotheses and predictions to account for three aspects of party politics in India: the transformation of the Indian political party system from a predominant to an even multiparty system; the politics of government formation; and the politics of government stability. Overall, the dissertation will pursue two arguments. First, rational choice models and predictions can account for the empirical cases more consistently than hypotheses and predictions derived from other paradigms. Second, by using India as the case on which to test competing theories, it will be shown that non-Western political phenomena are not sui generis and they may be accounted for in terms of comparative theory the same way as Western phenomena have been. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This thesis examines how national identities change and evolve through time. In that sense, it joins other studies that have studied the mechanisms for changes in national identities. While some authors have tended to focus on state structure, institutional changes (i.e. the creation of federal institutions that encourage regional identities) or belief systems, this study argues that political parties play an important role on national identity formulation. Essentially, this study will establish the argument that political parties have an impact on the direction of national identity. Using HI it will illustrate that the institutional framework in which political parties operate affects the direction that they will push national identity towards. Indeed, political actors have a vision for national identity and they will articulate and redefine how national identity is conceptualized but not freely. Rather, how institutions guide actors, preferences and ideas is central to understanding why national identity takes the form and direction that it does. Using the case study of Germany (1949-1969), it will demonstrate that the CDU sought to define German national identity as one based on Christian weltanschauung, integration with the west (westbindung) and social market economy (sozialen Marktwirtschaft) and that with each notion the influence of the Basic Law and previous political institutions could be felt as emphasis would be put on how each concept was related to “freedom”, “individual rights” and “democracy”.

Scholars of party strategy and government accountability rarely directly connect the priorities of parties' principals, groups seeking to influence parties, to their theories of electoral strategy, parliamentary behavior and policy outputs. I develop a theory that links parties' goals to their behaviors in three areas: electoral strategy, parliamentary behavior and government policies. I build on previous theories by focusing on the issues included in parties' electoral campaigns and their principals. In particular, I conceptualize policy platforms as a balance between parties' policy and electoral goals. I distinguish between statements reflecting these goals by considering the effect of the electoral context on the intra-party groups' policy approach. My theory predicts that party leaders add issues to their electoral platforms when conditions lead intra-party groups to be pragmatic. They decrease the number of issues in the platform when electoral conditions lead intra-party groups to be more ideologically rigid. Parties performing well in the previous election or that expect voters to reward them for their participation in government cause intra-party groups to act more pragmatically. However, these groups become more ideologically rigid when the party lost seats in previous elections or expect punishment for their economic record in office. Upon taking office, I theorize that parliamentary leaders use procedures that both highlight and constrain information about their policy priorities to build the party's image of accountability with voters. Government leaders limit information to voters on issues important to their ideologically motivated intra-party groups, but protect their image with intra-party groups by discussing information about their policy agenda at the party's national meetings. Finally, I predict that ideologically cohesive governments dedicate greater more laws to the priorities of their intra-party groups than to voters' goals because intra-party groups have greater information about the government's behavior and can replace party leaders through national congresses more frequently than voters. I test my theory using a mixed-methods approach. In particular, I test my theory quantitatively in three sections. Using data on 24 countries between 1962 and 2008 from the Comparative Manifestos Project and the OECD, I first predict the number of issues in parties' platforms based on the electoral context. I then use the results from this analysis to predict the application of legislative procedures and the amount of legislation on issues for parties' principals in the French Assemblée Nationale from 1978 through 2007 with data from the Comparative Agendas Project. Throughout these large-N analyses I find evidence in favor of the theory; parties' platforms respond to electoral conditions, government leaders use procedures on issues important to both groups and ideologically cohesive governments devote a larger number of laws to intra-party groups. Finally, following the logic of a nested-analysis, I undertake case studies of the French Parti Socialiste's organizational behavior leading up to elections in 1993 and 1997 and its behavior in office following the 1997 election. I use evidence from news reports, party congress and legislative debates, party newsletters, and personal interviews. The analysis indicates that intra-party groups influence parties' electoral and legislative strategies. The results suggest that intra-party politics hold broad consequences for parties' behavior in office.

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The main goal of this paper is to examine the construction and linguistic portrayal of the climate change phenomenon in the right-wing populist parties' discourse. The literature has so far mainly assumed automatic relationship between right- wing ideology and climate-refusal and did not go beyond analysis of specific climate-skeptical parties. We aim to fill this gap in the literature by analyzing both climate-supportive and disengaged RWP parties, as well their communication strategies on the matter. In order to disentangle inconsistencies, paradoxes and contradictions in text and discourse-internal structures, as well as to demystify the possible persuasive or manipulative tendencies of RWP parties, this paper employs a Discourse- Historical Approach in order to examine how these actors transform, translate and modify the meaning and role of a climate change in their texts. Moreover, the focus of our paper is on the three strategies within DHA - nomination, predication and argumentation. The analysis included three RWP parties - Alternative for Germany; Hungarian Fidesz and French National Rally, We found that the three examined parties with different climate policy preferences tend to deploy markedly different manipulative or persuasive strategies, and utilize different rhetorical and...

This thesis examines statements of chosen political parties towards the European Integration, based on the Content Analysis of Programs in the federal elections of the years 2007, 2010 and 2014, especially in the economic policy, common foreign and security policy, enlargement, migration policy and environmental policy. The position of these parties is categorized into the typology of Nicola Conti and are processed not only from the view of development of chosen parties, but within comparison of the Flemish and the Wallonia regime. The Belgian Kingdom is perceived as one of the most pro-Europe states that supports the project of the European Union and the European Integration in general. Belgium, one of the founding states of the European Economic Community and a member of the long-term prospering project of Benelux, was the perfect example of positive repercussion that the membership in the EU might bring. In 1993, the federalization of Belgium occurred and it is evident that the parties dedicated most of the attention to the question of nationality and to the autonomy of (the?) regions, especially then, the Flemish political party didn't consider the topic of the European Integration that much in local politics. A change occurred, when Eurosceptic parties started stretching out throughout Europe,...