Nas cidades, historicamente, são realizados eventos de diversos portes em praças públicas ou locais alternativos, como vazios urbanos, estacionamentos de automóveis, descampados, campos de futebol, faixas de areia das praias, entre outros. Tais festas são categorizadas genericamente como eventos ao ar livre e muitas vezes atraem uma grande concentração de público, o que gera a necessidade de aporte de uma logística com aparatos de suporte para garantir sua boa realização. Outro suporte importante é o staff, ou seja, a equipe de realização do evento. Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo entender como se dá a relação entre o sítio de realização, a qualidade do evento e os profissionais envolvidos. / Historically, cities have held events of different sizes in squares or alternative places such as vacant terrains parking lots, open fields, sports fields, beaches etc. Those events are generically categorized as open air, and often find a high concentration of public, which creates the need of a logistic apparatus to support the event and ensure its proper execution. Another important aspect is the support staff. This research tries to understand how the professionals involved, location and quality relates to each other in such events.

A Festa em Louvor à Nossa Senhora do Rosário é uma parte da identidade de moradores do interior de Goiás no Brasil, mais especificamente da cidade de Catalão. A Festa é realizada, primeiro apenas por descendentes de escravos, que usavam a festa para manterem vivas suas tradições no espaço do outro, o colonizador; anos mais tarde, para firmar-se na cidade, os dançadores que eram em sua maioria pobres que lutavam todos os anos, não apenas para sobrevier, mas também para fazer a festa na cidade do outro, levar seus grupos à Igreja de Nossa Senhora do Rosário. A Festa sobrevive através da religiosidade, da Congada e do comércio na/da festa, aqui analisado na feira as barraquinhas. Mais tarde, tornou-se uma festa de todos, com interesses diversos. É uma festa com dimensões sagradas e profanas onde observa-se o embate entre o global e o local, bem como as estratégias que aqueles que fazem a Festa têm que adotar para continuar existindo. É uma festa social, espetacularizada e em processo de mercadificação, de apropriação do trabalho de homens e mulheres, alienando-os em suas práticas festivas. A prática socioespacial da Festa do Rosário justifica a realização dessa pesquisa pela contribuição para uma Geografia Urbana que seja parte de um projeto do direito à cidade para todos. A festa é um direito dos que a fazem e dos que hoje acompanham-na, seja para rezar, para dançar na Congada ou para comprar nas barraquinhas. As transformações, as persistências e as deteriorações mostram a resistência dessa prática festiva às estratégias do econômico na reprodução da cidade para a troca capitalista, revelando a cidade para a reprodução da vida, da troca, do encontro, da fé e da cultura popular. / The party in honour of Nossa Senhora is a part of the identity of people that live in the state of Goiás in Brazil, more specifically in Catalão. The festival is held, first only by descendants of slaves, who used the party to maintain their traditions in space of the others, the colonizer, years later, to establish himself in the city, the dancers who were mostly poor who fought all year, not only to survive but also to \"make the party\" in the city of another, take their groups to the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário. The Feast survives through the religiosity of the Congada and the trade to / from the party, party of all, with diverse interests. It\'s a party with dimensions sacred and profane where there is the clash between the global and local like as the strategies that those, who make the festival must take to continue to exist. This is a social process of trade and appropriation of the men and women work, alienating them in their celebration practice. The socioespacial practice of Festa do Rosário, justifies the realization of this research into contributing to the Urban Geography one that will be part of a project to give the right to a city of everyone. The party is a right to the people that make it and to the people that follow it, only for praying, for dancing in the Congada, or just for buying in the barraquinhas. The changes, the persistence and deterioration show us the resistance of this festive practice strategies to the economic reproduction of the city to the capitalist exchange, revealing the city for the reproduction of life, of exchanging, of understanding, of faith and popular culture.

Orientador: José Dari Krein / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-24T15:12:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silverman_JanaKaren_D.pdf: 1697247 bytes, checksum: efa8eb4549c102d118323c13fa0c3087 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Nesta tese, examinemos as reconfigurações das relações entre os partidos políticos progressistas que chegaram ao poder no América do Sul durante a primeira década do século XXI e os movimentos sindicais que compartilham ligações ideológicas, programáticas e pessoais com estes partidos. Especificamente, utilizando os casos do Brasil e Uruguai sob os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores e Frente Amplio, respectivamente, estudamos as estratégias escolhidas pelos sindicatos, dentro dum contexto econômico favorável, que influenciavam a sua capacidade de representar politicamente a classe trabalhadora, e na sua habilidade de propugnar para uma expansão dos direitos trabalhistas coletivos e individuais, nesta maneira aprofundando a democracia nos locais do trabalho e na sociedade como tal. Concluímos que fatores exógenos aos movimentos sindicais, como o nível de mobilização externa dos partidos, a capacidade institucional do Estado de negociar e cumprir com acordos multisetoriais, e a dinâmica do crescimento económico, juntos com fatores endógenos, como o grau de fragmentação ideológica e estrutural dos sindicatos, delimitarem a capacidade do movimento sindical de pressionar para uma transformação do sistema nacional de relações de trabalho, chegando a uma aproximação a um sistema "neo-corporativista" de representação de interesses, nos países com governos da "nova esquerda" latino-americanaNesta tese, examinemos as reconfigurações das relações entre os partidos políticos progressistas que chegaram ao poder no América do Sul durante a primeira década do século XXI e os movimentos sindicais que compartilham ligações ideológicas, programáticas e pessoais com estes partidos. Especificamente, utilizando os casos do Brasil e Uruguai sob os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores e Frente Amplio, respectivamente, estudamos as estratégias escolhidas pelos sindicatos, dentro dum contexto econômico favorável, que influenciavam a sua capacidade de representar politicamente a classe trabalhadora, e na sua habilidade de propugnar para uma expansão dos direitos trabalhistas coletivos e individuais, nesta maneira aprofundando a democracia nos locais do trabalho e na sociedade como tal. Concluímos que fatores exógenos aos movimentos sindicais, como o nível de mobilização externa dos partidos, a capacidade institucional do Estado de negociar e cumprir com acordos multisetoriais, e a dinâmica do crescimento económico, juntos com fatores endógenos, como o grau de fragmentação ideológica e estrutural dos sindicatos, delimitarem a capacidade do movimento sindical de pressionar para uma transformação do sistema nacional de relações de trabalho, chegando a uma aproximação a um sistema "neo-corporativista" de representação de interesses, nos países com governos da "nova esquerda" latino-americana / Abstract: In this thesis, we examine the reconfiguration of the relationships between progressive political parties that won power in South America during the first decade of the 21st Century and the union movements that share ideological, programmatic, and personal links with these parties. Specifically, using the cases of Brazil and Uruguay under the governments led by the Partido dos Trabalhadores and Frente Amplio, respectively, we study the strategies chosen by unions, in an economically favorable context, that influenced their capacity to politically represent the working class, and their ability to defend an expansion of collective and individual labor rights, as a way of deepening democracy both at the workplace and in the society in general. We conclude that factors that are exogenous to the union movement, such as the level of external mobilization of these political parties, the institutional capacity of the State to negotiate and comply with multi-sectorial agreements, and the level of economic growth, combined with endogenous factors such as the degree of ideological and organizational fragmentation of the unions, delimit their capacity to successfully lobby for a transformation of the national labor relations system, so that it approximates a "neo-corporativist" system of interest representation, in countries in which the Latin American "new left" is in power / Doutorado / Economia Social e do Trabalho / Doutora em Desenvolvimento Econômico

The thesis deals with legal regulation of participation in contentious proceedings. Procedural subjects are one of the definitional elements of the civil proceedings; they are mainly the court and parties to proceedings. Therefore, legal regulation of parties to proceedings is an important component of law of civil procedure. The thesis depicts the present legal regulation of participation in contentious proceedings, evaluates its suitability and proposes appropriate changes with regard to clarity, unambiguity and fulfilment of the right to a fair trial. It includes description and analysis of the effective legal regulation, examines main problems, compares interpretation and opinions in professional literature and also deals with the court interpretation of relevant legal regulation. Moreover, a partial aim of the thesis is to depict the reflection of the new civil code in the procedural regulation and to evaluate whether such reflection is optimal. The thesis is divided into eight chapters which deal with the component topics. The first chapter deals with general matters of parties to contentious proceedings including material and procedural standing and the principle of equality. The second chapter concerns prerequisites for participation in proceedings, thus analyses capacity to sue and to be...

Using theoretical insights from elsewhere, this thesis examines and explains Lesotho’s opposition. It argues that the decline of single-member constituency and the rise of Mixed Member Proportionality (MMP) has weakened the prospects for a strong opposition in Lesotho; more parties in parliament have strengthened the hold of the ruling party. These parties cannot overturn the parliamentary decisions of the ruling Lesotho Congress for Democracy (LCD), which continues to win more than 90% of majority seats in successive elections. So, most bills and motions passed in parliament have support of the majority of the MPs of LCD. Opposition parties have little legislative impact in challenging the policies of government. Paradoxically, MPs of the LCD are often the only source of opposition in the country’s parliament.

Bien que profondément réformé ces vingt dernières années, l’office du juge administratif de la légalité reste caractérisé par certaines insuffisances. Faute de pouvoir se saisir d’office de certaines conclusions ou de tout moyen d’annulation, le juge chargé de censurer les actes administratifs illégaux est parfois contraint de rejeter des requêtes en annulation pourtant recevables et fondées. Cette défectuosité du contrôle juridictionnel opéré trouve son origine dans l’insuffisante prise en considération de la singularité de la fonction juridictionnelle exercée, qui ne consiste pas exclusivement à trancher un litige mais également à contrôler la légalité d’un acte. Le parachèvement de l’office du juge administratif de la légalité suppose son émancipation des éléments constitutifs de l’instance tels que fixés par les parties afin de lui conférer les pouvoirs adaptés à l’accomplissement de la mission qui lui incombe. A cette fin, l’étude des fondements de la prohibition de l’autosaisine permet de démontrer qu’aucun obstacle d’ordre théorique ou pratique ne s’oppose véritablement ni à la consécration des conclusions d’ordre public, ni à la généralisation des moyens d’ordre public. Seules des limites d’ordre conceptuel, nécessairement contingentes et dès lors surmontables, expliquent l’inertie à laquelle s’astreint encore le juge administratif de la légalité dans la détermination de la matière litigieuse. / Although profoundly reformed in the course of the past twenty years, the judicial recourse for abuse of power led by the administrative judge still falls short.Prevented to review, on its own initiative, the legality of the whole administrative act, the judge is sometimes bound to reject some complaints although they were admissible and well-founded. This deficiency in judicial review originated in the insufficient consideration of the unique nature of the judicial recourse for abuse of power which does not only entail settling a case but also ensuring the legality review of administrative decisions.To ensure the completion of his powers the administrative judge will need to liberate himself from the sole content of the submissions and arguments of the applicants and be allowed to expand his powers in order to accomplish his purpose.The analysis of the rationale to this prohibition of judge-initiated legal argumentsdemonstrates that there isn’t any theoretical or practical obstacle to the possibility for the administrative judge to automatically examine the legality of public policy arguments and conclusions. Only conceptual limitations, necessarily incidental, explain the inertia of the administrative judge in the determination of the matter at hand.

This thesis is about whether the political majority has an impact on gender mainstreaming at the committee decisions. Gender mainstreaming is the main strategy in Sweden in order to increase equality. It has been the dominant strategy for over 20 years, but gender equality is still not achieved. Political majority could have an impact on how municipalities work with gender mainstreaming. I study three municipalities, the municipality of Örebro, the municipality of Umeå and the municipality of Jönköping and how decisions have been made in the committee responsible for preschool and primary school in each municipality. Therefore, I study in this thesis if there are any similarities and differences between the municipalities with gender mainstreaming and if political majority can have an impact on gender mainstreaming. I have chosen to use a comparative case study to compare the gender mainstreaming of these three municipalities, using a qualitative content analysis. The analysis is based on the municipalities' gender equality plans, strategic plans and meeting protocols using the Municipal Population Model and the CEMR-declaration (Council of European Municipalities and Regions). The conclusions of the analysis are that there are similarities and differences in how municipalities use gender mainstreaming in their decisions. The similarities depends on that all municipalities are based on the same strategy and that everyone is based on the CEMR-declaration and the differences are that they have formed the goals different. The conclusion is that political majority does not have such a major impact on gender mainstreaming. Keywords: gender mainstreaming, municipalities, political parties, CEMR-declaration

Magister Artium - MA / This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party’s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party’s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi. / South Africa

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper examines whether the International Criminal Court has the competence to compel the appearance of witnesses before it, and if the States Parties to the Rome Statute have an obligation to serve and enforce a witness summons issued by the Court. In December 2013 the Office of the Prosecutor requested the International Criminal Court to summon witnesses and ascribed to the Court the power to order some States Parties to enforce witness summonses. The defence counsel in the particular case and the Kenyan government, the requested State Party, opposed the request. In April 2014 Trial Chamber V (A) of the International Criminal Court delivered a decision on that matter in which it found that it had indeed the power to compel witnesses and to order Kenya to enforce the summonses. The decision was confirmed on appeal in October 2014. This paper analyses the issue with reference to the decision of the Trial Chamber, the judgement of the Appeals Chamber, and the assertions by the parties in the present case. It also introduces other approaches on how to deal with this issue. The paper essentially analyses the text of the Rome Statute, the history of its drafting, and compares the enabling laws and jurisdictional competence of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda and the Special Court for Sierra Leone with regard to the theme under discussion. The paper furthermore analyses how the domestic laws of some states deal with the matter. Finally it examines the measures that the ICC can implement to enforce its orders.

Beginning in the late 1970s, with the onset of the third wave of democratization, a host of new conservative parties emerged in Latin America. The trajectories of these parties varied tremendously. While some went on to enjoy long-term electoral success, others failed to take root. The most successful new conservative parties all shared a surprising characteristic: they had deep roots in former dictatorships. They were "authoritarian successor parties," or parties founded by high-level incumbents of authoritarian regimes that continue to operate after a transition to democracy. What explains variation in conservative party-building outcomes in Latin America since the onset of the third wave, and why were the most successful new conservative parties also authoritarian successor parties? This study answers these questions by developing a theory of "authoritarian inheritance." It argues that, paradoxically, close links to former dictatorships may, under some circumstances, be the key to party-building success. This is because authoritarian successor parties sometimes inherit resources from the old regime that are useful under democracy. The study examines five potential resources: party brand, territorial organization, clientelistic networks, business connections and a source of cohesion rooted in a history of joint struggle. New conservative parties that lack such inheritance face a more daunting task. Such parties may have better democratic credentials, but they are likely to have worse democratic prospects. This argument is developed through an analysis of four parties: Chile's Independent Democratic Union (UDI), Argentina's Union of the Democratic Center (UCEDE), El Salvador's Nationalist Republican Alliance (ARENA) and Guatemala's Party of National Advancement (PAN). Drawing on interview and archival data gathered during 15 months of fieldwork in five countries, this study contributes to three literatures. First, as the first book-length comparison of conservative parties in Latin America, it contributes to the literature on Latin American politics. Second, by developing a new theory of how successful new parties may emerge--the theory of authoritarian inheritance--it contributes to the literature on party-building. Third, by developing the concept of authoritarian successor parties, it sheds light on a common but underappreciated vestige of authoritarian rule and, in this way, contributes to the literature on regimes. / Government