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In June 2022, a new law will be implemented in the Swedish legal system, making honour- violence a certain crime. Before the new law has been implemented, investigations have been made by government officials trying to present how honour-related violence and oppression is a problem in the Swedish society. The aim for this thesis is to examine how the policy makers has presented the problematisation according to the method ‘What is the problem represented to be? (WPR). The questions that are being asked are how the policy makers problematise honour-related violence and oppression the Swedish society and how they present the Previous research has shown how social isolation and mobility plays a crucial role to those who experience honour-related violence and oppression. The thesis has therefore undertaken the theoretical framework of intersectionality to show how social and political identities can cause a person to experience a social isolation and subordination in society. The purpose is to examine how the policy makers problematise honour-violence and oppression in the law proposal and if they account for any particular vulnerabilities that can cause social isolation. Results shows that the victims of honour-related violence and oppression are being left without protection from their family, are the government including them in their policy documents to make sure that they are protected by laws and legislations? How the problem with honour-related violence and oppression is produced within policy documents and referral documents and if they account for particular vulnerability is what will be examined in this thesis and see if the government are subordinating an already subordinated group.

In a statistical report of the year 2005, Brå informs that the Middle East and North African immigrants are overrepresented in crime in Sweden. Also, in a previous study in Cameroon, I realized that the Bamileke folk (originating from the West Cameroon) is mostly represented in the minor district of the Central Prison of Douala - Cameroon. In an attempt to understand crime perpetrated by migrants, scholars have suggested the unpleasant context of migration, the strain encountered by the migrants as a result of social exclusion, the fact that migrants live in disorganized area where it is more likely to find criminals and the clash of culture between migrants and the natives of the society where they settle. The aim of my research is to find out, on the basis of these four parameters, if it could be possible to understand how the process of criminalization of migrants, in the society where they settle, occurs. In this research, I focus on juvenile delinquency. In order to perform the research and attempt to answer the question, I made of use documentary analysis backed up with data gathered from experience, unstructured observation and interviews I performed among the minority groups. The results of my research do not support that the unpleasant context of exit might be a factor leading to criminalization in the particular case of minority’s youth. It also suggests that it is not the minority’s culture that makes them to be labelled as criminals; it is rather the essentialized perception of the minority group’s culture as being a threat to the dominant group’s values and interests, which contributes in labelling a minority group as criminals. In return, labelling people of the minority group as criminals contributes to their discrimination in the society, thus making them to develop criminal attitudes in order to escape the strain they encounter through discrimination; as this occurs, the young migrant may internalize the idea that he is criminal as a result of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Discrimination contributes also in making the minority group to settle in disorganized areas where criminal activities are more likely to occur among youths. These findings are important because it might help to understand the risk of criminalizing some actions as belonging to a minority group’s culture. Indeed, doing so seems to reinforce the labelling of people of the minority group as criminal without proper analysis that may explain why they chose to act the way they act. It furthers their discrimination in the society which in turn may force them to use illegal ways to respond to the strain they encounter through discrimination.

In a statistical report of the year 2005, Brå informs that the Middle East and North African immigrants are overrepresented in crime in Sweden. Also, in a previous study in Cameroon, I realized that the Bamileke folk (originating from the West Cameroon) is mostly represented in the minor district of the Central Prison of Douala - Cameroon. In an attempt to understand crime perpetrated by migrants, scholars have suggested the unpleasant context of migration, the strain encountered by the migrants as a result of social exclusion, the fact that migrants live in disorganized area where it is more likely to find criminals and the clash of culture between migrants and the natives of the society where they settle. The aim of my research is to find out, on the basis of these four parameters, if it could be possible to understand how the process of criminalization of migrants, in the society where they settle, occurs. In this research, I focus on juvenile delinquency. In order to perform the research and attempt to answer the question, I made of use documentary analysis backed up with data gathered from experience, unstructured observation and interviews I performed among the minority groups. The results of my research do not support that the unpleasant context of exit might be a factor leading to criminalization in the particular case of minority’s youth. It also suggests that it is not the minority’s culture that makes them to be labelled as criminals; it is rather the essentialized perception of the minority group’s culture as being a threat to the dominant group’s values and interests, which contributes in labelling a minority group as criminals. In return, labelling people of the minority group as criminals contributes to their discrimination in the society, thus making them to develop criminal attitudes in order to escape the strain they encounter through discrimination; as this occurs, the young migrant may internalize the idea that he is criminal as a result of a self-fulfilling prophecy. Discrimination contributes also in making the minority group to settle in disorganized areas where criminal activities are more likely to occur among youths. These findings are important because it might help to understand the risk of criminalizing some actions as belonging to a minority group’s culture. Indeed, doing so seems to reinforce the labelling of people of the minority group as criminal without proper analysis that may explain why they chose to act the way they act. It furthers their discrimination in the society which in turn may force them to use illegal ways to respond to the strain they encounter through discrimination.

Morocco is oftentimes praised by academics, development workers, and women’s rights activists as a trailblazer for the empowerment of women in the Middle East and North African region. Its reforms in the realm of family legislation and progress made in human development place the country at the helm of liberalising Arab Muslim-majority societies, even more so after the Arab Spring and Morocco’s peaceful transition to a ‘new’ constitutional order. However, a closer look at women’s rights discourses, legal reforms, its texts and implementation, and the public attitudes towards the enhancement of women’s rights reveals a less empowering situation. The purported goals of the Family Code, as the extolled document showcasing Morocco’s attempt at ameliorating (married) women’s rights, of ‘doing justice to women’ while ‘preserving men’s dignity’ mask the reformed law’s reconsolidation of patriarchal family relations. Many legal grey areas within this particular law, as well as clashing principles emanating from other laws such as the Penal Code, allow judges and the ʿaduls (religious notaries) to exercise discretion and apply the law as they see fit and, to a large extent, as it conforms to their and the community’s vision of the ideal moral order. Moreover, because ‘doing justice to women’ affects men’s and family’s honour, the project of the enhancement of women’s rights has had as a result retraditionalisation of family relations and hierarchical gender structures. Nowhere is this more poignant than in the status of educated single adult girls from provincial areas. They may be poster girls for the development community, but they are pitied by their own communities because they fail to become complete women––married (non-employed) mothers. The story of Morocco’s professed progress is a story of empowering its citizens, but one which does so on paper only. It is also a story which hides the salient details of poorly written reformed laws, obstructed access to justice, continuing widespread misogyny, material poverty and social marginalisation, and cohesive socio-economic programmes, which are rarely followed through.

Much has been written about various aspects of the long presence of the Knights of the Order St John on the island of Malta. Nonetheless, throughout this literature there is one noticeable omission - a study of the commercial development of the harbour area during the first decades of the Order’s rule. Despite Malta’s small size, the presence of the Order of St John (1530 -1798) ensured an inflow of foreign resources which eventually permitted very dense human settlement and an international projection beyond the island’s shores which was largely disproportionate to what would normally have occurred in such a small and sterile island. The maritime nature of the Order and the heavy dependence on imports hastened the creation of an efficient maritime communication system. The development of all these economic activities resulted in a prime economic means of generating wealth and served as a pull factor to a large number of enterprising individuals, both local and foreign. Early modern Hospitaller Malta eventually saw the consolidation of an enterprising business class, which, out of sheer necessity, grew accustomed to operating well beyond its narrow confines. In turn, this contributed to the island becoming more open to connectivity with the outside world. Hence, the main aim of this thesis is to explore in detail various economic activities taking place in Malta during this particular period which spans from 1530 to 1565. The year 1565 has been chosen as a marker since during this year there was a break in the normal chain of events due to the turmoil created by the Great Siege. In order to reach this goal the practical functioning of commerce with its agreements and disputes, its currencies, its trading posts and its nodal points shall be analyzed. Furthermore, this thesis strives to show how notarial evidence, together with that derived from records of various tribunals set up on the island at the time, supplement each other and help to fill in gaps. While discussing different methodological approaches to the study of the Mediterranean, the first chapter of this study shall also assess Malta’s place within the wider Mediterranean historiographical framework. It shall also trace the development of Maltese historiography and its contribution to the study of legal, economic and social issues relating to the sixteenth century. Furthermore, this study shall place the various series of primary sources used for its compilation in their proper context, thus allowing the reader to evaluate better the significance of the information provided. The second chapter shall evaluate how the arrival of the Order provided for the setting up of new institutions and for the promulgation of new laws in order to consolidate its authority over the island despite repeated promises to respect and honour ancient rights and privileges. The following three chapters shall each be dedicated to a particular case study which will try to address specific topics that have been largely neglected in Maltese historiography. Thus, starting with an analysis of the grain trade, which was of the utmost importance for a sterile island with an ever-increasing population, it will be followed by another case study which seeks to evaluate the role of women, their legal persona and how this affected their contribution to the island’s economic activities. The final chapter will try to establish whether there were any commercial links between Malta, often described as the frontier and bulwark of Christianity, and its neighbouring Ottoman North African territories. If such trade existed, how did merchants, both Christian and Muslim, manage to overcome religious antagonism which should have inhibited the easy flow of trade? The objective of this study shall therefore be to shed much-needed light on economic activities taking place in and around the harbour area during a largely unexplored period in Maltese history. Moreover, it shall seek to provide a better understanding of Mediterranean commercial relations since the Maltese harbour was a point of intersection not only for people of different nationalities, but even for people of different faiths, such as Muslims, Jews and Christians of different denominations. All had one common goal which unified them, that is, trading and making profit out of it.

Cette thèse porte sur un corpus hagiographique de vingt-sept textes latins d’Afrique du Nord, daté du IIe au VIe siècle. Ce corpus n’avait jamais fait l’objet d’une synthèse depuis les travaux de P. Monceaux au début du XXe siècle. Dans une première partie, tous les textes latins ont été réunis, accompagnés d’une traduction personnelle et d’un apparat des sources exhaustif : plusieurs ont fait l’objet d’une nouvelle édition critique, et un nouveau texte, la recension longue de la Passion de Marciana, a ainsi été découvert. Ce corpus fait ensuite l’objet d’une étude historique. Les deux premières parties étudient ces textes comme témoignages de la christianisation de l’Afrique, vue à travers l’étude du phénomène complexe des persécutions et du martyre. La troisième partie illustre les multiples potentialités du discours hagiographique, qui concourt à faire du martyr un nouveau héros chrétien, héritier du héros païen et du thème judéo-hellénistique du Juste souffrant. La dernière aborde le corpus comme témoignage de la culture littéraire des élites africaines et apporte une contribution à l’histoire culturelle de l’Afrique du Nord et à celle de la circulation des idées et des oeuvres. Elle traite aussi de manière nouvelle la question de l’africitas, selon les méthodes du LASLA de l’Université de Liège auxquelles j’ai voulu soumettre trois passions de Maurétanie Césarienne. / This thesis focuses on a corpus of twenty-seven hagiographic texts from Roman North Africa, dated from the second to the sixth century. None synthesis on this corpus had been made since P. Monceaux’s work in the early twentieth century. In the first part, all the latin texts were collected, together with a translation and an exhaustive research of the sources : for many ofthem I gave a new critical edition, and a new text, the long recension of the Passion of Marciana, has been discovered. This corpus is then studied from an historical point of view. The first two sections examine these texts as evidence of the christianization of Africa, through the study of the complex phenomenon of persecutions and martyrdom. The third partillustrates the multiple potentialities of hagiographic discourse, which tends to make a new Christian hero, combination of pagan hero and of the theme of Judeo-Hellenistic Just suffering. The latter addresses the corpus as evidence of the literary culture of African elites and contributes to the cultural history of North Africa and of the circulation of ideas and works. It also discusses the question of the africitas, according to the methods of the LASLA of the University of Liège, methods applied to three passions of Caesarean Mauretania.

La présente thèse analyse la cohérence de la politique nord-africaine de la France sous la IVe République (1946-1958). Se focalisant sur la politique d’intégration en Algérie, l’auteur prend aussi en considération les imbrications entre la question algérienne et la politique de coopération au Maroc et en Tunisie ainsi qu’avec la crise de Suez en 1956. D’un côté, il s’agit de comparer les ambitions de la France au Maghreb avec l’engagement politique et économique concret. De l’autre, l’auteur analyse le bienfondé des exigences officielles face aux données régionales, nationales et internationales. L’étude examine si, en France comme en Afrique du Nord, il y a eu une motivation suffisamment grande pour accepter les conséquences multiples de la politique poursuivie et si des alternatives crédibles ont été proposées dans le débat contemporain. Globalement, l’auteur cherche à savoir comment la présumée détermination de la IVe République à défendre l’Algérie française, quoi qu’il en coûte, s’est transformée sous la Ve République en un calcul comptable des coûts qui, finalement, mène à l’indépendance de l’Algérie en 1962. / The present thesis examines the coherence of France’s North Africa policy during the Fourth Republic (1946-1958). The author focuses on the economic dimension of the so called “integration policy” in Algeria. Furthermore, its impacts on the French relations with Morocco and Tunisia as well as on the Suez Crisis in 1956 are being analyzed. On the one hand, the study compares France’s ambitious goals in the region with its actual political and economic commitment. On the other hand, it investigates the plausibility of these goals against the background of the local, national and international situation. The author verifies if politicians and citizens were willing to accept the multiple consequences of France’s political ambitions and if realistic alternatives were proposed in the discussion at that time. Moreover, the thesis offers an explanation why the presumed great determination of the Fourth Republic to keep French Algeria whatever the cost finally turned into a sober cost-benefit analysis in the Fifth Republic which led to Algerian independence in 1962. / Die vorliegende Dissertation untersucht die Kohärenz der französischen Nordafrikapolitik in der IV. Republik (1946-1958). Der Fokus liegt auf der sogenannten Integrationspolitik in Algerien. Ferner werden deren Einflüsse auf die französischen Beziehungen mit Marokko und Tunesien und auf die Suezkrise 1956 analysiert. Dabei geht es zum einen darum, die weitreichenden Ansprüche Frankreichs in der Region dem tatsächlichen politischen und ökonomischen Engagement gegen- überzustellen. Zum anderen wird die Plausibilität der offiziellen Ambitionen vor dem Hintergrund der regionalen, nationalen und internationalen Rahmenbedingungen überprüft. Damit verbunden sind die Fragen nach der Bereitschaft in Politik und Gesellschaft, die vielfältigen Konsequenzen der Nordafrikapolitik zu tragen, und nach alternativen Handlungsoptionen zu den getroffenen Ent- scheidungen. Darüber hinaus erforscht die Studie, wie aus der von großer Entschlossenheit geprägten Maxime der IV. Republik, Französisch-Algerien um jeden Preis zu verteidigen, in der V. Republik eine dem Anschein nach nüchterne Abwägung von Kosten und Nutzen zugunsten der algerischen Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1962 werden konnte.

Since North Africa is considered as one of the future hot spots for tourism development, western hotel chains increasingly expand to this region. Especially in the opening phase, these hotel groups tend to fill leading positions with male and female western managers. However, we assume that since the Arab culture is very male-dominated, the employment of women managers might cause cultural conflicts. Thus, our thesis aims to identify possible barriers for women to succeed in hotels in North Africa as well as to elaborate critical success factors for future female western leaders to overcome these barriers and to manage effectively. In order to find out about underlying attitudes towards foreigners and female superiors, we conducted a survey among Arabic hotel employees at an international five star hotel in Egypt. The results of our survey were topped up with insights from the literature and the remaining knowledge gaps were filled by holding conversations with industry experts. The findings of our study indicate a trend towards a more liberal Arabic society as well as certain openness towards foreigners and women, which could be ascribed to driving forces, such as globalization and a rise in information technology. However, there are still cases of gender inequality and religious intolerance, which shows that social practices have not yet completely changed. It is thus suggested that female western leaders still face barriers, such as chauvinistic behavior as well as suggestiveness. In order to be able to deal with these barriers, we developed critical success factors for future women managers, such as being cultural intelligent, being interested in the employees, being a coach and a team player, and trusting yourself. In addition, we provided general implications for women operating in other seemingly hostile environments, such as male-dominated industries or women-aversive surroundings.

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