Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2004. / Supervisors: Mia Carter and Lisa Moore. Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Also available from UMI.

Grâce au Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signé en 1998, l’Irlande du Nord connait une période de pacification sans précédent depuis les Troubles (1969-1998). Dans cette situation de post conflit, la violence liée aux affrontements entre groupes paramilitaires et forces de sécurité britannique a très largement diminué. Cependant, de petits groupes paramilitaires républicains s’opposent toujours au traité de paix. Cette thèse a pour objectif comprendre pourquoi les paramilitaires républicains anti-GFA continuent d’utiliser la violence alors qu’ils reconnaissent que, dans le contexte actuel, la lutte armée a peu de chance de conduire à la réunification de l’Irlande. A Belfast, l’analyse spatiale des violences intracommunautaires (perpétuées dans le cadre d’un système de justice alternatif) et des attaques contre les forces de police montre que la stratégie des organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA repose sur la création d’un cycle d’agitation. Il s’agit d’une stratégie de développement locale qui vise à maintenir des territoires d’exception. Ce terme désigne ici des territoires où la normalisation voulue par le processus de paix est limitée par les actions des républicains anti-GFA et où le monopole de la violence légitime est disputé. Cependant, cette stratégie de contrôle du territoire communautaire se heurte à toute une série de problèmes. En effet, les organisations paramilitaires anti-GFA sont de petits groupes fragmentés qui tendent à se diviser dans le temps. Enfin, l’influence des paramilitaires anti-GFA est limitée par un contexte social extrêmement défavorable à la lutte armée, par les actions des forces de sécurité, et par la présence et la stratégie du Sinn Féin. / Thanks to the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) signed in 1998, Northern Ireland knows a period of pacification unknown since the Troubles (1969-1998). In this post-conflict situation, violence in the form of confrontation between paramilitary groups and British security forces has greatly decreased. Nevertheless, small republican paramilitary groups are still opposing the peace treaty. The goal of this dissertation is to understand why republican paramilitaries opposed to the GFA continue to rely on violence while recognizing that, in the current context, armed struggle has little chances of leading to the reunification of Ireland. In Belfast, spatial analysis of intracommunal violence (carried out within an alternative justice system) and attacks against the police indicate that the strategy of the paramilitary organizations opposed to the GFA relies on creating a cycle of unrest. This is a strategy of local development aiming at maintaining territories of exception. This concept here means territories where the normalization sought by the peace process is limited by anti-GFA republicans’ actions and where the monopole of legitimate violence is disputed. This strategy of communal territory control is however facing a series of problems. Anti-GFA paramilitary organisations are indeed small fragmented groups which often splinter overtime. Finally, anti-GFA paramilitary organizations’ influence is limited by a social context extremely unfavourable to armed struggle, by security forces, and by the presence and strategy of the Sinn Féin.

No description available.

Abstract This study has two aims: [X] to create an analytical framework consisting of factors that might trigger terrorism [X] to apply the analytical framework on the case of IRA, in order to be able to examine which factors that exist behind the appearance of terrorism in the current case To reach the first aim the author has studied the theoretical discourse on the complexed issue of terrorism. This has constituted the point of departure for the creation of an own analytical framework. The purpose of the framework is to bring clearness to why terrorism appears. The analytical framework is not only suited for application on the case of IRA, but for application on terrorismcases in general. To reach the second aim the framework was applied on the case of IRA. The aims of this study have been fulfilled through the method of qualitative text analysis. The research method has been applied on the theoretical discourse on terrorism as well as on the empirical texts that deal with the conflict in Northern Ireland and the NorthernIrish society in general. The results of the study suggest that factors triggering terrorism Favourable surroundings, Resources, Possibility to recruit members, Protracted armed conflict, Occupation, Strive for autonomy, Diplomatic deadlock, Poverty, and Specific events, or actions from the opponent all exist in the case at hand. The author would particularly like to highlight the importance of the Diplomatic deadlock and Poverty as terrorismtriggering factors.

The Northern Irish conflict known as the Troubles reached a peace process in 1998, through the framework of the Good Friday Agreement. Infused in the agreement are the traits of consociationalism, a theory often articulated by Professor Arend Lijphart. While Lijphart himself condemned a consociational democracy for Northern Ireland as unrealistic in its initial stages, the political settlement in the region is today one of the key confirming cases of consociational theory. However, while political cementation, enabled through this agreement, heightened the opportunities for the political accommodation of groups in a heterogeneous Northern Ireland, the traits of consociationalism offers less normative measures as to move beyond conflict management. The intent of this essay is to understand the barriers and opportunities of consociationalism in tangling the complexity of Northern Ireland as a deeply divided society. Moreover, this disciplined configurative case study will grant insights on whether the theoretical framework has offered sufficient explanatory power for Northern Ireland in making the shift from conflict management to conflict transformation. Through the application of consociationalism and nationalism, the barriers and opportunities of the Good Friday Agreement in maintaining a Northern Irish identity will be discussed and analysed by theoretical and qualitative means.

The diploma thesis focuses on the topic of library associations and networks that have a direct impact on development of libraries and librarianship. The main attention was given to library associations of the United Kingdom. The aim of this thesis is to analyze current activities and goals of selected library associations of the United Kingdom. Furthermore the thesis presents library associations of the Czech Republic, their history and current activities. The conclusion provides a comparison of Czech and British library associations. Monitored were primarily legislative frameworks, the focus of library associations, their activities and use of Web 2.0. There were also defined areas of possible future development of the Czech associations.

This diploma thesis deals with the issue of presidential policy in the case of the Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The The diploma thesis focuses on how the British Prime Minister's relations with other cabinet members have changed in the context of European integration. We explore the first year of Theresa May's first cabinet. The work takes into account the historical development and the moments that are relevant to the topic. It also has done an excursion to the history of Eurointegration in relation to Great Britain or those events that could have determined the current developments that resulted in the vote on Brexit and Theresa May taking the office of the Prime Minister of Great Britain.

Based‌ ‌on‌ ‌the‌ ‌idea‌ ‌that‌ ‌public‌ ‌art‌ ‌reflects‌ ‌cultural‌ ‌values‌ ‌and‌ ‌is‌ ‌meant,‌ ‌not‌ ‌as‌ ‌many‌ ‌have‌ ‌argued‌ ‌as‌ ‌a‌ ‌means‌ ‌of‌ ‌teaching‌ ‌history,‌ ‌but‌ ‌rather‌ ‌as‌ ‌a‌ ‌means‌ ‌of‌ ‌promoting‌ ‌cultural‌ ‌ideals,‌ ‌ ‌public‌ ‌art‌ ‌serves‌ ‌a‌ ‌role‌ ‌in‌ ‌lauding‌ ‌people‌ ‌and‌ ‌behaviors‌ ‌and‌ ‌reflects‌ ‌a‌n important facet in the ‌creation‌ ‌of‌ ‌a‌ ‌national‌ ‌identity‌ ‌and‌ ‌ethos. Further,‌ ‌that‌ ‌in‌ ‌this‌ ‌function‌ ‌of‌ ‌promoting‌ ‌societal‌ ‌norms,‌ ‌public‌ ‌art‌ ‌serves‌ ‌as‌ an‌ iconography ‌of‌‌ a “civil ‌religion”‌ ‌which‌ ‌tell‌s ‌a‌ ‌story‌ ‌to‌ ‌the‌ ‌citizenry‌ ‌about‌ ‌what‌ ‌a‌ ‌given‌ ‌country‌ ‌admires,‌ ‌reveres‌ ‌and‌ ‌aspires‌ ‌to‌ ‌and‌ ‌promotes‌ ‌a‌ ‌specific‌ ‌moral‌ ‌narrative‌ ‌regarding‌ ‌a‌ ‌country‌ ‌and‌ ‌its‌ ‌people.‌ ‌Thus,‌ ‌public‌ ‌art‌ ‌forms‌ ‌an‌ ‌iconography‌ ‌reflecting‌ ‌the‌ ‌norms‌ ‌of‌ ‌the‌ ‌“civil ‌religion”‌ ‌and‌ ‌its‌ ‌related‌ ‌mores,‌ ‌morals‌ ‌and‌ ‌ethical‌ ‌values.‌ ‌

The thesis deals with the theme of counter-terrorism legislation in two West European countries, namely in the United Kingdom and in Spain. Specifically I focus on the topic of detention measures (particularly on the specifics of the means of detention of suspects of terrorism) and on the attempts of their toughening in both of the states named above. On the present issue I apply the theory of securitization, through which I examine the debate on toughening the detention measures, which occurred in both of these countries. The text of the thesis comprises of two long historical chapters and a comparative final one. The first two chapters deal with the complicated development of terrorist threats and counter-terrorist reaction with a special focus on detention measures. The main goal is to introduce the extensive matter of counter-terrorist legislation and to integrate the principal topic in a broader context. The final chapter consists of several shorter parts, which allow the comparison of distinct attitudes of both states. After 9/11 both the United Kingdom and Spain chose different strategies how to deal with the threat of terrorism legislatively and how to toughen the measures examined. The main research question is how the securitization of terrorism in the United Kingdom and in Spain differed...