With respect to its troubled past Northern Ireland has constantly been a field of interest, academic research and discourse. Certain periods in this past, like for example the “Troubles” (a time of violent struggle that began in 1969/70), sooner or later tend to create a particular approach towards language usage. As research has already been carried out on the “Troubles” and its language usage the question now remains in how far the application of lexical items would be changing through the impact of the so called peace process. Examining the language use surrounding this process a wide range of phenomena in the field of politics and social affairs but also in society could be analysed and discussed, assuming that change for some reason developed here. Investigating such circumstances further this empirical interdisciplinary study in the shape of a corpus analysis addresses the presumed language change in Northern Ireland by employing news texts (Belfast Telegraph, BBC Northern Ireland and An Phoblacht) of the period from 1995 to 2009 (i.e. before and after the Good Friday Agreement a negotiated settlement between Catholics and Protestants in 1998) for the analysis to attempt to establish a link between changing semantic and lexical units, and to some extend to even find a relation to alleged gradual social change. The evaluation is based on a qualitative and quantitative analysis of thematically pre-selected keywords in the areas of politics, social affairs, and society. Generally it could therefore be concluded that change – though marginal in numbers – appears perceivable. Despite a detailed examination and evaluation (qualitative and quantitative) it needs to be pointed out, however, that the findings of correlating social and linguistic variables could in the end only imply a kind of relation – contrary to the expectations in the beginning. Perhaps, in some cases, gradual change could be illustrated like for example with the name change of the police (RUC to PSNI) or changed social terminology. Nevertheless this study created an important contribution of research on post-“Troubles” Northern Ireland as it brings this statelet back into focus on the one hand and in addition prompts questions on the challenges of future language usage in societies that experienced violent conflict on the other. Corpus and Appendix on CD-Rom for printed copy available at University Library Chemnitz and German National Library

TITLE: Approach to Diagnostics of School Readiness in the Three European Countries AUTHOR: Anna Kubíčková DEPARTMENT: Department of Special Education SUPERVISOR: PhDr. Lenka Felcmanová, Ph.D. ABSTRACT: This thesis compares approaches to school readiness diagnostics in the Czech Republic, the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland and Austria. It explains the theoretical concept of school readiness, presents the possible consequences of inadequate readiness of a child enrolling in the first year of primary school, and gives examples of diagnostic materials used to evaluate school maturity and child readiness in the Czech Republic and abroad. This work describes the specifics of pre-school and early primary education, the processes of a child's entry into primary education and explains the involvement of educational authorities in the diagnostics of school readiness in the three studied countries. In practice, it compares the approaches to school readiness diagnostics and the entry of children into primary education through the testimonies of teachers and experts from these three countries. This thesis also deals with the different procedures for forwarding documents containing information on children's development from pre-school educational institutions to primary schools, the diversity of...

Depuis la signature de l’Accord de paix du Vendredi Saint, l’Irlande du Nord a entamé son processus de transition après trente ans d’un conflit communément appelé les Troubles. Parmi les questions relatives à son cheminement se pose celle du Bloody Sunday. Lors de cet évènement tristement célèbre des Troubles, quatorze civils furent tués par des soldats britanniques, alors qu’ils prenaient part à une manifestation pour les droits civiques. Les soldats n’ont pas eu à faire face au processus judiciaire, malgré la volonté des familles des victimes d’obtenir justice. Une amnistie visant les soldats responsables fut proposée en mars 2014, à titre de mécanisme de justice transitionnelle pour accompagner la société nord- irlandaise dans sa démarche vers un état de paix. Entre droit et politique, plusieurs questions se posent relativement à un tel projet. La présente étude vise à examiner la validité de cette proposition d’amnistie eu égard aux valeurs de l’État de droit. / Since the Good Friday Agreement was signed in 1998, the Northern Irish society has embarked on its transitional process towards peace, attempting to leave behind thirty years of a conflict commonly known as the Troubles. This outcome brings to light many different issues, amongst which is that of the Bloody Sunday. This infamous event of the Troubles saw fourteen civilians killed by British soldiers as they were taking part in a civil rights demonstration. The soldiers were spared the judicial process despite the efforts deployed by the victims’ families to bring them to justice. In 2014, an amnesty was suggested as a transitional justice mechanism to further the society’s transition to the post-conflict era. This study examines the validity of such an amnesty in light of the underlying values of the Rule of Law.

This is the first such study of Operation Banner: taking three Battalions as case studies, drawing upon extensive interviews with former soldiers, primary archival sources including unpublished diaries, this thesis closely examines soldiers' behaviour at the small infantry-unit level (Battalion downwards), including the leadership, cohesion, orientation and motivation that sustained, restrained and occasionally obstructed soldiers in Northern Ireland. It contends that there are aspects of wider scholarly literatures - from sociology, anthropology, criminology, and psychology - that can throw new light on our understanding of the British Army in Northern Ireland. The thesis will also contribute fresh insights and analysis of important events during the early years of Operation Banner, including the murders of two men in County Fermanagh, Michael Naan and Andrew Murray, and that of Warrenpoint hotel owner Edmund Woolsey in South Armagh in the autumn of 1972. The central argument of this thesis is that British Army small infantry units enjoyed considerable autonomy during the early years of Operation Banner and could behave in a vengeful, highly aggressive or benign and conciliatory way as their local commanders saw fit. The strain of civil-military relations at a senior level was replicated operationally – as soldiers came to resent the limitations of waging war in the UK. The unwillingness of the Army's senior leadership to thoroughly investigate and punish serious transgressions of standard operating procedures in Northern Ireland created uncertainty among soldiers over expected behaviour and desired outcomes. Mid-ranking officers and NCOs often played important roles in restraining soldiers in Northern Ireland. The degree of violence used in Northern was much less that that seen in the colonial wars fought since the end of World War II. But overly aggressive groups of soldiers could also be mistaken for high-functioning units – with negative consequences for the Army's overall strategy in Northern Ireland.

This Master Thesis deals with the issue of transition to low-carbon energy in the European Union, with an example of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The topic is divided into three parts. Firstly, the energy sector in the EU is described in the context of environmental targets, institutional framework, international Paris agreement and electricity price factors. Secondly, the British concept of transition to low-carbon energy is described, following a similar line from the first chapter. Last but not least, the third section uses the data and information provided in the first two sections to create a complex picture. Compatibility of the British concept with the EU policies is discussed, furthermore the meaning of Paris agreement for the British model is described, then the consequences of the British concept on the electricity prices are shown, finally the challenges for the British energy sector are considered. The main contribution of this thesis is statistical comparison of energy in the EU and UK and finding the connection between international events (Paris agreement), regional priorities (EU), national political representation and national interest groups in terms of creating energy policy in the UK.

The master thesis deals with new phenomenon in tourism film induced tourism. The main objective of the master thesis is to characterize film induced tourism which could be used as a tool to increase the attendance of the destination where the film was shot. Next main objective of the thesis is evaluation of film induced tourism in Europe, more precisely in Great Britain and Northern Ireland where the film induced tourism is at relatively advanced level. The master thesis is divided into the eight main chapters. The first part briefly defines term tourism, its importance and tips related to the place of realization. In the second chapter there is described management of destination, following with marketing direction in the fourth chapter. In the fifth part, there is definition of film-induced tourism, related history, supply, the opportunities of marketing promotion and typology of the film induced tourist. Next parts of thesis show significance and efficiency of film induced tourism, film induced tourism in Czech Republic and in the Europe where the main attention was focused on Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The last chapter refers to own research where the potential of film induced tourism was investigated by using quantitative and qualitative methods from respondents which were based in Czech Republic.

This study aims to analyze the application of twentieth century sociologist George Mead's role theory to Henry VIII and Mary I, of Britain's Tudor Dynasty, regarding their treatment of their families during the early to mid-sixteenth century. Contemporary role theory can offer a useful lens to study sixteenth century royal family functionality through an analysis of Henry VIII and Mary I's lives as monarchs of England. Role theory can illuminate the role conflict that led to a separation between Henry and Mary as people and as sovereigns. Their roles, derived from traditional authority, set them apart as people and led them to behave in a way that would not have been true to their characters if they were not monarchs. The roles will therefore be given particular attention pertaining to family issues within a sixteenth century social, religious and political context. The findings of this study include an explanation of conflict with identity as well as a conflict with roles using transformation as the catalyst in the case of both of these monarchs. This study includes a qualitative content analysis, while also employing methods from the humanities to create a unique blend of methodology from both the social sciences and the field of history. This blend of methodology aids in creating a model to ensure further understanding of conflict analysis from a historical perspective.

The Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) and the Irish Football Association (IFA) were founded in the 1880s and throughout the history have become more than mere sport organizations. Mainly because of the violent history of Northern Ireland during the Troubles, both associations became entrenched in the respective cultural memories of the two competing identities of Northern Ireland. The large-scale violence ended in 1998 with the signing of the Belfast Agreement that was meant to bring peace and inter-communal cooperation to the region. This paper analyses the development of the two associations after 1998 in the context of the theory of cultural memory created by Jan Assmann. It concludes that the IFA has changed profoundly since the end of the Troubles. It left its post in the unionist-protestant cultural identity and now represents part of the new Northern Irish identity which transcends the social division and is still in an early stage of development. The GAA, on the other hand, went the other way and decided to strengthen its position among nationalists and Catholics in spite of its anti-sectarian and anti-racist ethos and gestures. This difference stems mainly from different history and structure of both associations and the fear of the GAA of becoming marginalized by the British sports if it...

yes / Two recent detailed reports, by the U.K Northern Ireland Office (NIO) - January 2004 1 and the U.S. Council on Foreign Relations (CFR) - February 2004 2, provide further insights into current policy and technology developments in the U.K. and U.S. The NIO report is the 4th and final report of a U.K wide Steering Group set up by the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland in Summer 2000, with the objective: To establish whether a less potentially lethal alternative to baton rounds is available; and to review the public order equipment which is presently available, or could be developed, in order to expand the range of tactical options available to operational commanders. 3 In her foreword to the report Jane Kennedy, Minister of State for Northern Ireland notes that: Despite a protracted and international search for a commercially available product, we have been unable to find anything that meets the criteria of an acceptable, potentially less lethal alternative to the baton round currently in service which provides an effective capability that does not expose officers and the public to greater risk in violent public disorder.4 The NIO Report has sections looking at the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL) programme on the development of less lethal technologies (particularly the Attenuating Energy Projectile and the Discriminating Irritant Projectile); commercial off the shelf product evaluations and update (12 Gauge Sock Round Assessment); Water Cannon; the U.K. use of less lethal technologies (with a focus on L21A1 baton rounds, CS sprays and the Taser). The report also contains a section entitled `The Management of Conflict¿ which discusses the dynamics of crowd behaviour. For a critical response to the NIO report see that from Dr. Brian Rappert.5 The CFR report provides a strong endorsement for non-lethal weapons. A key finding states: Wider integration of nonlethal weapons into the U.S. Army and Marine Corps could have reduced damage, saved lives, and helped to limit the widespread looting and sabotage that occurred after the cessation of major conflict in Iraq. Incorporating NLW capabilities into the equipment, training and doctrine of the armed services could substantially improve U.S. effectiveness in conflict, post-conflict, and homeland defense. 6 Interestingly, in describing the nonlethal capability sets (NLCS) which have been deployed in Kosovo and Iraq, and which help to provide a continuum of force between ¿don¿t shoot¿ and ¿shoot¿ 7, the CFR seems to distinguish between NLWs (rubber balls [grenades and shotgun munitions], bean bags, riot shields, Tasers, net entanglers, and caltrops), and equipment such as flash-bang grenades, laser dazzlers, and bullhorns of which it states ¿It is important to note that these are not weapons but non-lethal capabilities¿ 8 The CFR recommends expanded deployment of NLWs in the armed services, longer ranges for non-lethal payloads using precision delivery and fusing systems, and further development of millimetre-wave area-denial system (HPM weapons such as VMADS) and the advanced tactical laser (ATL). The report also argues for the need to have a bigger Joint Non-Lethal Weapons Directorate (JNLWD) or a new Non-lethal Joint Program Office (NLJPO) and for Bradford Non-Lethal Weapons Research Project (BNLWRP) ¿ Research Report 5 (May 2004) 2 closer links with the Joint Forces Command (JFCOM). In the opinion of the authors the JNLWD should also have more access into classified programmes throughout all branches of the armed services so as not to duplicate non-lethal development initiatives. To stimulate incorporation of NLWs throughout the U.S. Armed Services the CFR advocates two approaches: (1) top-down planning in the Defense department and (2) creation of demand for these [NLWs] weapons from the field as personnel gain experience with prototype equipment. 9 They argue there is a need for the top-level military and civilian leadership to be educated about NLW capabilities, not only for warfighting and peacekeeping, but also in `homeland defence in isolating a hot zone in the aftermath of a biological attack' 10. We will be referring again to both the NIO and CFR publications in other sections of this report.

In the first half of the 20th Century, the United Kingdom’s counter-terror laws were couched extremely broadly. Consequently, they bestowed upon the executive extraordinarily wide powers with which it could address perceived threats of terrorism. In that period of time, the internal affairs of any state were considered sacrosanct and beyond the reach of international law. Consequentially, international human rights law was not a feature of the first half of the 20th Century. Following the war, however, international human rights law grew steadily, largely through the propagation of international treaties. As the 20th Century progressed, the United Kingdom became increasingly involved in international human rights law, particularly by way of the ratification of a number of treaties. Prior to the year 2000, none of these treaties had been directly incorporated into the United Kingdom’s municipal law. The traditional Dualist understanding of the relationship between international treaty law and municipal law in the United Kingdom, would hold that these unincorporated human rights treaties would form no part of that state’s domestic law. This Dualist assumption is called into question, however, by a legislative trend which neatly coincides with the United Kingdom’s increased involvement with international human rights. This trend consists of two elements, firstly, the progressively plethoric and specific ways in which the United Kingdom began to define its anti-terror laws. The specificity in which this legislation was set out curtailed the executive’s powers. The second element is that, over time, the United Kingdom’s counter-terror laws increasingly began to include checks and balances on the executive. There is a clear correlation between these trends and the United Kingdom’s evolving relationship with international human rights law. That nation’s enmeshment with international human rights law from 1945 onwards is undeniably linked with the parallel evolution of its domestic counter-terror laws. v One of the grounds on which the status of international law is questioned is that it is ineffectual. This thesis calls such arguments into question, as it shows that international human rights treaties have meaningfully impacted on the United Kingdom’s evolving counter-terror laws and thereby successfully enforced the norms they advocate. / Public, Constitutional, & International / LL.D.