This thesis aims to analyze the contributions of the Ottoman Empire to the construction of modern Europe in the early modern period. Conventional historiography generally argues that the Ottoman Empire contributed to the emergence of the modern European identity only through acting as the &amp / #8216 / other&amp / #8217 / of Europe. This thesis, however, aims to show that such an analysis is not enough to understand the Ottoman impact on the European state system. Moreover, it argues that the Ottoman Empire contributed to the construction of this system both politically and economically. By depriving the Habsburg Empire of dominating whole continent, Ottoman Empire helped the proto-modern centralizing states, i.e. England, France and the Netherlands, and Protestantism to survive the suppression of the Habsburgs. On the other hand, by granting capitulations to these European states, it contributed to the economies of these states in a way that they could be able to develop their emerging capitalist economies. In all, this thesis concludes that the Ottoman Empire was not a passive actor and an outsider to the European system, acted only as a counter-reference point in the formation of the European identity / rather, it actively involved in the European politics and economics as an active actor.

This thesis analyzes the life and power politics of Pazvandoglu Osman, Ayan of Vidin, in the 18th century with references to the changes in the Ottoman provincial administration experienced between the 17th and 18th centuries. Osman&rsquo / s relations with the Ottoman central government and the policy that the latter followed towards him will also be given to show the Ottoman methods of coping with the oppositional groups in the provinces in the case of Pazvandoglu Osman in the 18th and 19th centuries. Moreover his relations with the people of Vidin as well as with the neighboring ayans will be displayed to examine how an ayan ruled and represented people and also how important an ayan was in the development of a city. In addition a description of the Ottoman Balkans in general and Vidin in particular will also be analyzed from the point of view of their contributions to the rise of Pazvandoglu Osman within the context of cause and effect relations.

This thesis deals with Bulgaria under the Ottoman rule in the second and third quarters of the 19th century. The sources used in this study are the works of 18 French travelers who have explored this region in that period. In this work the data collected by the French travelers, their impressions on the people and the region are evaluated. The thesis analyses Bulgaria under the last days of the Ottoman rule and assesses the outlook of Bulgaria regarding its demographic situation, the characteristics of its peoples, religous communities, and with the developments in agriculture, industry and trade through the French traveler&#039 / s outlook.

Texte remanié de: Ph.D. th.--London, 1983. Titre de soutenance : The politics of military politics : political aspects of civil-military relations in the Ottoman empire, with special reference to the 'Young Turk' era. / Bibliogr. p. 445-472. Index.

By analyzing and contextualizing the polarized discourses on coffee and coffeehouses in post-1652 England, this dissertation argues that the divisive worldviews of the English population at this critical historical juncture shaped the contentious reception of coffee. Countless scholarly efforts dealing with seventeenth-century coffeehouses, those of London in particular, have helped explaining the rapid growing popularity of coffee and the establishments in which it was consumed, the coffeehouse. Building upon exiting literature, this work advances a new approach to shed light the interconnection between social and cultural anxieties, paradoxes and contradictions in seventeenth-century English society, and the contradictory discourses surrounding the rise of coffee in England. My project demonstrates that pervasive anxieties about the rise of religious heterodoxy, the ambiguous dispositions of the English people towards the Ottoman Turks, and the ever-present concerns surrounding the tenuous state of patriarchal manhood collectively helped to both encourage and discourage interactions with the Islamic practice of coffee drinking in coffeehouses. Coffee and coffeehouses came from the Ottoman Empire, the land of the presumed Turks. One sector of society, the optimists, embraced the exotic novelty from the Islamic world and participated enthusiastically in a custom shared with their Turkish, Arab and Persian counterparts since the early sixteenth century. Conversely, the pessimists vilified the adoption of cultural and dietary practices from a non-Christian society; they condemned the enthusiasts' cosmopolitanism as a sign of disloyalty that would only deepen discord in the nation. Indeed, they proclaimed the craze for the Turkish-imported habit as a sign of degeneration, threatening not just Englishmen's religiosity, but also their manliness. Coffee and coffeehouse came from the Ottoman Empire, the land of the presumed effeminate Turks at that. Intimate intermingling with this imported novelty thus compromised England's identity and even sovereignty. By relying upon a borderlands approach that is inspired by gender analysis, this dissertation seeks an alternative theoretical path to explain the controversy and contention swirling around a new drink and novel spaces of sociability among a populace dislocated by years of religious, political and cultural turmoil.

A la fin de la Renaissance l'Empire ottoman est bien connu du public européen. Tout au long du XVIe siècle, récits de voyages, de captifs, ouvrages de mœurs, ouvrages cosmographiques dessinent une certaine image du « Turc » et de la partie du monde sur laquelle il a établi son pouvoir. Objet de fascination et de profonde inquiétude, l'Empire des sultans intéresse l’Europe chrétienne en proie à des guerres intestines. Les voyageurs qui entreprennent le voyage ou qui commencent à rédiger un récit de leur expérience à partir des années 1570 le font donc avec, à l'esprit, le parcours des auteurs qui les ont précédés. Ils doivent faire avec l’image de l’Autre qui s’est progressivement imposée. La pression évidente que la bibliothèque exerce sur le texte viatique pousse les rédacteurs à chercher de nouvelles modalités d’expression. Ils posent à neuf la dialectique constamment maintenue par la prose viatique tout au long du XVIe siècle entre le récit de l’expérience et l’utilisation des ressources livresques. Parmi ces voyageurs-auteurs une nouvelle classe paraît se distinguer. Elle cherche à se démarquer des voyageurs antérieurs et des contemporains en accordant plus de place à l'expression personnelle au sein des récits. Cette classe nous l'avons circonscrite à celle des gentilshommes qui trouvent, dans le cadre d'échanges de plus en plus fréquents avec le Levant, qu'il s'agisse d’échanges diplomatiques ou commerciaux, de nouveaux terrains pour s’affirmer. Tout en tenant à ne pas se présenter comme des savants, les gentilshommes s’attachent à mettre en évidence leur appartenance de classe et cela passe, en partie, par l’affirmation de leur présence dans le texte, qui semble plus manifeste que dans les ouvrages antérieurs. L’ego du voyageur du début de l’époque moderne n’est en rien égotiste. Mais l’évocation plus précise de l’expérience personnelle marque une évolution non négligeable de la prose viatique. D’autant que celle-ci nous invite à penser qu’elle est le corollaire d’un changement progressif des rapports que l’Occident entretient avec l’Orient. / At the end of the Renaissance, the Ottoman Empire is by the European public well known. All the XVIth century long, travel writings, captives’ stories, customs books, cosmographies draw a certain image of the « Turc » and of the world’s part he rules over. Object of fascination and of deep concern, sultans’ Empire interests christian Europe while this area is in the grip of internecine conflicts. The travelers who choose to travel or who begin to write their story do so with, in their mind, the works of those who went to the Orient before them. They have to do with the image of the Other that was mainly accepted in these period. The library exerces a pressure who encourages the writers to search other ways of telling their proper experience. They search new modes of expression. Doing so they renew the dialectic of experience and books resources. Among these travelers-writers we noted that a group differs from others in his practice of writing. This class of travelers, which we identify as the aristocracy, find new grounds to affirm herself on the road of the Orient, in a period during which diplomatic and trade exchanges between Europe and the Levant grew significantly. While trying not to present themselves as scholars, they want to highlight their class membership. To do so, they put forward their own experience of travel, their personnality. They assert themselves in the text, and their presence seems to be more significant than in former texts concerning the Levant. The traveler’s ego, in the early modern period, is not egotist. The growth of evocation of the personal experience in the text seems however to mark a significant evolution in travel writing. Moreover, it invites us to think that it goes with progressiv changes in the relations between the Occident and the Orient.

This thesis is a historical study of the Ottoman Armenians in the Ottoman Empire from 1918-1923. It seeks to delineate how the Ottoman Armenians reorganised their political position against the massive socio-political crises that led to the collapse of the Ottoman Empire. The thesis analyses the transformation of the Armenian political position by examining the Ottoman Turkish and Armenian press. The study contends that the Ottoman Armenians struggled to reorganise their political and social life after the First World War and established alliances with the Allied Powers to create an independent 'Western Armenia', which would ultimately unite with the Armenian state in the Caucasus. The Ottoman Armenians developed a patriotic approach that sought unification with their compatriots in the Caucasus. However, after the defeat of the Greek army by the Nationalist troops in Anatolia in 1922, the collective approach among the Ottoman Armenians changed significantly. After the Nationalist victory had become inevitable, the Ottoman Armenians sought reconciliation and peace with the Turks. This reconciliation was only possible through the acceptance of 'Turkish supremacy' by the Ottoman Armenians. In other words, the Armenians who chose to remain within the boundaries of Turkey preferred to pledge loyalty to the newly established Nationalist government in Ankara. The establishment of the Türk-Ermeni Teali Cemiyeti (Turkish Armenian Ascent Association) and the reconciliation attempts of the Ottoman Armenians with the Muslim Turks is an example of the transformation of the Armenian collective position among the Ottoman Armenians. This study employs Armenian and Ottoman Turkish media sources published in Istanbul and Anatolia during the Armistice years (1918-1923) to track the post-war interrelationship of Ottoman society in general and the Armenian community in particular, the social and political reorganisations of the Armenian community and the transformation of the Armenian political position in the last years of the Ottoman Empire. By doing so, the thesis challenges both Ottoman/Turkish and Armenian historiographies, and attempts to bring these two historiographic approaches together with a new approach to understand this historical period.

Les consuls de France constituent un corps de professionnels aux liens étroits. Ils ont pour mission de défendre les intérêts de la France et d’informer le ministère des Affaires étrangères de tout ce qu’ils observent. Leur mission n’est pas uniquement économique et politique. Ils doivent veiller à l’image de la France, image qu’ils contribuent à former. Dans les années 1820, face à l’insurrection grecque, ils promeuvent l’image d’une France dont la principale préoccupation serait l’humanité. Grâce à sa neutralité, elle se situerait au-dessus de la mêlée, ne travaillant qu’au bien et au bonheur de tous. Les consuls s’appuient sur cette image de la France pour défendre l’idée que leur pays se doit d’exercer une « domination morale » dans l’intérêt de tous et au nom de la civilisation européenne qu’elle incarne. En s’appuyant sur leurs représentations de l’altérité, ils en viennent à justifier l’ingérence de la France dans la crise opposant les insurgés grecs et les Ottomans, puis au sein de l’Empire ottoman et du Royaume de Grèce, à partir des années 1830. Influencés par les idées de fraternité et de responsabilité collective issues du philhellénisme et influencés par le saint-simonisme, les consuls de France contribuent à la création de la notion de mission civilisatrice dont les États européens seraient investis. À partir des années 1820, persuadés de la supériorité de la France, ils en viennent à soutenir de nombreux projets de colonisation dans tous les territoires de l’Orient grec. / The consuls of France are professionals' corps. They have for mission to defend the interests of France and to inform the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of all that they observe. Their mission is not only economic and political. They care for France’s image, image which they contribute to form. In 1820s, facing Greek insurrection, they promote the image of France which main concern would be humanity. Thanks to its neutrality, France would be above the conflict, working only for the happiness of all. The consuls lean on this image of France to promote the idea that their country has to exercise a "moral domination" in the interest of all and in the name of the European civilisation which she represents. By leaning on their representations of the Alterity, they justify the interference of France in the crisis among the Greek insurgents and the Ottoman, then within Ottoman Empire and Kingdom of Greece, from 1830s. Influenced by the ideas of fraternity and of collective liability inherited French revolution and Philhellenism and influenced by Saint-Simonianism, the consuls of France contribute to the creation of the notion of civilizing mission, which the European State would be invested. From 1820s, persuaded of the superiority of France, they start supporting numerous projects of colonization in all territories of the Greek East.

This master thesis is devoted to an analysis of causes and development of the Armenian Genocide (1915 - 1916) on a central and also on a provincial level. A first part of this thesis examines the phenomenon generally from perspective of political and social history. The key element of used interpretation is emergence of a conflict environment in a process modernization that made the genocide possible. In this context my thesis emphasise role of making of modern political parties, switching from dynastic concept of legitimacy of power to ethno-democratic based conception, and brutalization of public space caused by international conflicts. After the analysis of decision making process the text also presents the general developments of the "Great Disaster" with emphasis on actions taken by the central government in Istanbul. The second part of the work is dealing with ways in which the genocidal policy was introduced into praxis in provincial towns Mezreh and Harpoot. This section is largely build up on the primary sources left by local community of missionaries and American consul. The process of extermination and deportation in a significant way enhanced by a collapse of mutual thrust between the Armenian and the Muslim communities in the towns after searching for arms and arrests of Armenian...

Cette thèse a pour objet d’analyser l’État turc ainsi que les mutations sociopolitiques et économiques que connait son entité sociale. Elle vise à explorer en profondeur ladifficile construction de l’État en Turquie face aux problèmes multiples qui affectent profondémentson développement politique. Qu’est-ce qui fait que l’État ne soit pas parvenu à produire uneintégration politique du territoire suffisamment solide pour qu’elle corresponde au modèle de l’Étatnation ? La question est bel et bien de nature politique et nous conduit à essayer de comprendre etd’expliquer la nature du pouvoir politique turc, autrement dit à saisir et à étudier la réalité et laspécificité de l’ordre politique dont l’État a été le vecteur. Notre enjeu est bien de réfléchir sur l’État,son cadre, sa nature et sa portée. Autrement dit, il s’agit de faire un travail de nature historique quinous amène à examiner la question de l’institutionnalisation dans le cadre d’une sociologie de l’Étatturc qui récapitule le processus de construction spécifique de ce dernier.Cette recherche inclut la genèse de l’État turc, son évolution politique et administrative jusqu’audéveloppement actuel du pays. Pour mieux comprendre cela, il a fallu analyser les mécanismes deconstruction de l’État. La situation actuelle de l’État turc se caractérise clairement par la permanencedes trois points que nous paraissent fondamentaux : l’existence d’une bureaucratie déterminante,l’importance d’un pouvoir charismatique fort et la présence d’une armée qui occupe une placepolitiquement puissante et limite l’action indépendante des gouvernements. Le maintien de ces troisfacteurs a empêché la construction d’un État institutionnalisé doté d’un système politiquedémocratique au sens occidental du terme. On assiste alors à la difficile construction d’un ordrepolitique stable. / The aim of this thesis is to analyse the Turkish State as well as the socio-political andeconomic changes experienced by its social entity. It aims to explore, in depth, the difficultconstruction of the state in Turkey in the face of the many problems that profoundly affect its politicaldevelopment. What makes the state fail to achieve a sufficiently strong political integration of theterritory to fit the nation-state model? The question is indeed of a political nature and leads us to tryto understand and explain the nature of Turkish political power; in other words to grasp and study thereality and the specificity of the political order of which the State has been the vector. The challengeis to reflect on the State, its setting, its nature and its scope.This research includes the genesis of the Turkish state, its political and administrative evolution andthe current manifestation. To better understand this, it was necessary to analyse the constructionmechanisms of the state. The current situation of the Turkish state is clearly characterised by thepermanence of the three points that I consider fundamental: the existence of a decisive bureaucracy,the importance of a strong charismatic power and the presence of an army occupying a politicallypowerful place, which limits the independent action of governments. The maintenance of these threefactors has prevented the construction of an institutionalized state with a democratic political system,in the Western sense of the term. This thesis bears witness to the difficulties of constructing a stablepolitical order.