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The thesis looks at Protestant missions to the Ottoman Empire and the countries which emerged from it through Bosch's "Enlightenment missionary" (2003) and Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" (1996) paradigms. It argues that Muslim resistance to Christianity is rooted in innate Muslim intransigence and in specific historical events in which missionaries played important roles. The work utilizes a simple formula: it contrasts the socio-political and cultural framework missionaries imbibed at home with that of their host environment, outlines the goals and strategies they formulated and implemented, looks at the results, and notes the missiological implications. The formula is applied to four successive periods. We begin with the pre-World War I missionaries of the late Ottoman Empire. We look at their faith in reason, their conviction in the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, their attitude towards Islam, their idea of reaching the Muslim majority by reviving the Orthodox churches, and the evolution of their theology and missiology. World War I changed the landscape. The Empire's demise led to a struggle for Turkish and Arab national self-determination leading to the establishment of the Turkish Republic and various Arab entities, notably French and British mandates. Protestant missions almost disappeared in Turkey, while a small number of "veterans" kept the enterprise alive in the Arab world. While the Arabs struggled to liberate themselves from the Mandatory Powers, these veterans analyzed past failures, recognized the importance of reaching Muslims directly and began experimenting with more contextualized approaches. The post-World War II era saw the retreat of colonialism, the creation of Israel, a succession of wars with that country, and the formation of a Palestinian identity. Oil enabled the Arabian Peninsula to emerge as a major economic and political force. The missionary enterprise, on the other hand, virtually collapsed. Unlike their veteran predecessors, the pre-Boomer generation, with a few notable exceptions, was bereft of fresh ideas. During the 1970s the evangelical Baby Boomers launched a new enterprise. They tended not to perceive themselves as heirs of a heritage going back to the 1800s, though the people they "targeted" did. Their successors, the GenXers, products of post-modernism and inheritors of Boomer structures, face a region experiencing both increased political frustration and the re-emergence of Islam as a socio-political power. In closing we look at Church-centered New Testament spirituality as a foundational paradigm for further missions to the region. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

The thesis looks at Protestant missions to the Ottoman Empire and the countries which emerged from it through Bosch's "Enlightenment missionary" (2003) and Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations" (1996) paradigms. It argues that Muslim resistance to Christianity is rooted in innate Muslim intransigence and in specific historical events in which missionaries played important roles. The work utilizes a simple formula: it contrasts the socio-political and cultural framework missionaries imbibed at home with that of their host environment, outlines the goals and strategies they formulated and implemented, looks at the results, and notes the missiological implications. The formula is applied to four successive periods. We begin with the pre-World War I missionaries of the late Ottoman Empire. We look at their faith in reason, their conviction in the cultural superiority of Anglo-Saxon Protestantism, their attitude towards Islam, their idea of reaching the Muslim majority by reviving the Orthodox churches, and the evolution of their theology and missiology. World War I changed the landscape. The Empire's demise led to a struggle for Turkish and Arab national self-determination leading to the establishment of the Turkish Republic and various Arab entities, notably French and British mandates. Protestant missions almost disappeared in Turkey, while a small number of "veterans" kept the enterprise alive in the Arab world. While the Arabs struggled to liberate themselves from the Mandatory Powers, these veterans analyzed past failures, recognized the importance of reaching Muslims directly and began experimenting with more contextualized approaches. The post-World War II era saw the retreat of colonialism, the creation of Israel, a succession of wars with that country, and the formation of a Palestinian identity. Oil enabled the Arabian Peninsula to emerge as a major economic and political force. The missionary enterprise, on the other hand, virtually collapsed. Unlike their veteran predecessors, the pre-Boomer generation, with a few notable exceptions, was bereft of fresh ideas. During the 1970s the evangelical Baby Boomers launched a new enterprise. They tended not to perceive themselves as heirs of a heritage going back to the 1800s, though the people they "targeted" did. Their successors, the GenXers, products of post-modernism and inheritors of Boomer structures, face a region experiencing both increased political frustration and the re-emergence of Islam as a socio-political power. In closing we look at Church-centered New Testament spirituality as a foundational paradigm for further missions to the region. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D. Th. (Missiology)

L’Empire ottoman, au XIXe siècle, s’affaiblit sans cesse et paraît destiné à s'effondrer. Il est l’objet de convoitises et de rivalités entre les puissances européennes. Sous sa suzeraineté, la Syrie et, avec elle, la région du Mont-Liban, est une zone clé sur le plan stratégique puisqu'elle domine l’accès aux voies menant à l’Inde et à l’Asie méridionale et orientale. La France et l'Angleterre tentent toutes deux de s'y imposer par communautés locales interposées : la première à travers les Maronites, la seconde à l'aide des Druzes. Au printemps 1860, des troubles éclatent entre les deux communautés, entraînant le massacre de milliers de chrétiens. Les puissances européennes, poussées par le gouvernement de Napoléon III, s'entendent pour intervenir au moyen d'une commission d'enquête et l'envoi de troupes. Cette expédition a pour mission officielle d’aider l’Empire ottoman à rétablir l’ordre et à protéger les chrétiens. Le présent mémoire démontre que la France impériale entretenait des visées politiques et économiques à l'égard de la Syrie et du Liban. L'historiographie n'avait jusqu'à présent pas analysé en profondeur les véritables mobiles français dans cette expédition. Les ambitions politiques et économiques ont été beaucoup plus déterminantes dans la décision française de mettre en branle l'expédition que le devoir « humanitaire » de protection des chrétiens ou la satisfaction de son opinion publique. Loin de se laisser abattre par la catastrophe que représentent les massacres qui menace la survie de sa clientèle et donc de son influence en Syrie, Paris, et particulièrement son ministre des Affaires étrangères E. Thouvenel, a réussi à tourner la situation à son avantage. Se servant habilement du désir d'ingérence des autres puissances et de son rôle de protectrice des chrétiens, la France est parvenue à acculer au pied du mur l'Angleterre, qui s'opposait à l'intervention, et à justifier celle-ci sur des principes éloignés de ses objectifs réels. Les troubles ont finalement constitué pour elle une occasion d'augmenter l'autonomie de la Montagne par rapport au pouvoir central et la puissance économique et politique de sa clientèle à travers la révision du statut administratif de la région. Ce faisant, elle a renforcé son influence dans l'Est méditerranéen et fait un pas de plus vers une domination française en Syrie. / Throughout the nineteenth century, the Ottoman Empire grew weaker and seemed headed for collapse. It became the object of the ambitions and rivalries of the European powers. Under its suzerainty, Syria, including the Mount Lebanon region, was a key area strategically since it dominated the access routes to India and southern and eastern Asia. France and England both tried to impose their influence by way of local communities. France acted through the Christian Maronites, while Britain used the Druzes. In the spring of 1860, trouble broke out between the two communities, resulting in the massacre of thousands of Christians. The European powers, at the behest of the government of Napoleon III, agreed to intervene by sending a commission of inquiry and troops. The expedition’s official mission was to help the Ottoman Empire to restore order and to protect Christians. This thesis shows that imperial France pursued political and economic goals with regard to Syria and Lebanon. The historiography had not previously analyzed in depth the real French mobile in this expedition. The political and economic ambitions were far more important in its decision to set in motion an expedition than the "humanitarian" Christian duty of providing protection or the satisfaction of the public opinion. Far from being deterred by the catastrophe of the massacre that threatened the survival of its protégés and therefore its influence in Syria, Paris, and especially its foreign minister E. Thouvenel, managed to turn the situation to his advantage. Skilfully using the desire of interference of other powers and its role as protector of Christians, France managed to corner England, which opposed the intervention, and justify it on principles far removed from its real objectives. The troubles finally represented for her an opportunity to widen the autonomy of the Mountain vis-à-vis the central authority of the Ottoman Empire and to increase the economic and political power of its clients through the revision of the administrative status of the region. In so doing, it has strengthened its influence in the eastern Mediterranean and moved a step closer to dominating Syria.

L’historiographie ottomaniste traitant de la question de l’esclavage s’est surtout concentrée sur la période tardive de l’Empire (XIXe-XXe s.) produisant des livres de recherche et de synthèse (B. Lewis 1971, 1990 ; E. Toledano 1982, 1997, 2007 ; H. Erdem 1996 ; M. Zilfi 2010). Sur l’époque moderne, on dispose d’un corpus grandissant d’études portant sur des aspects ponctuels du phénomène servile. L’objectif de cette thèse est de réaliser la première monographie (en quelque langue que ce soit) sur l’esclavage dans la société ottomane de l’époque dite « classique » (XVIe-XVIIe s.), en s’intéressant à l’esclavage pratiqué dans l’espace privé et non au domaine, beaucoup plus étudié, des esclaves du sultan et du système d’asservissement militaro-administratif. À partir essentiellement de documents d’archives de l’État ottoman, du corpus juridique et législatif et de textes littéraires, la thèse aborde des questions d’histoire juridique, sociale, économique, culturelle et des mentalités. Les axes principaux de la recherche concernent ainsi le cadre juridique doctrinaire de l’esclavage en tant qu’institution et l’application du droit par les autorités ottomanes, le commerce des esclaves, les différentes formes de la main d’œuvre servile, l’esclavage au quotidien, le devenir des affranchis, mais aussi la représentation que se faisait l’élite ottomane de l’esclavage, sujet auquel est consacré un tiers de la thèse. Le cadre géographique couvre les « provinces centrales » (Roumélie, Istanbul, Anatolie), mais des micro-études sont consacrées à la Syrie (arabophone mais indissociable de l’Anatolie), l’Égypte, la Crimée, le Caucase et le Kurdistan. / Ottoman historiography dealing with slavery has been concentrated particularly on the later period of the Empire (19th-20th c.) and produced monographs of research and synthesis (B. Lewis 1971, 1990 ; E. Toledano 1982, 1997, 2007 ; H. Erdem 1996 ; M. Zilfi 2010).). For the early-modern period, there is a growing body of articles on localized aspects of the servile phenomenon. This dissertation’s objective is to realize the first monograph on slavery in the Ottoman society of the so-called “classical” period in whatever language it may be. The main focus is on slavery in the private space as opposed to the more well-known and studied sultan’s slaves and the military-administrative servitude (the “kul system”). Based essentially on archival documents of the Ottoman state, legal and juridical records, as well as literary texts, the dissertation tackles problems of juridical, social, economical, cultural history, as well as that of mentalities. Thus the research’s main axes concern the legal doctrine of slavery as an institution and the implementation of law by the Ottoman authorities; the slave trade; various forms of slave labour; slavery in everyday life; the fate of manumitted slaves; but also the representations of slavery by the Ottoman elites (topic to which a third of the thesis is devoted). The geographical framework covers the “central provinces” (Rumelia, Istanbul, Anatolia), but the dissertation also includes micro-studies on Syria (Arab-speaking but inseparable from Anatolia), Egypt, Crimea, Caucasus and Kurdistan.