Diese Dissertation, befasst sich mit Wechselwirkungen zwischen Weidevieh und Wildtieren und basiert auf der Hypothese, dass sich stark transformierte europäische Landschaften und weniger gestörte afrikanische Savannen gegenseitig als Referenz dienen können. Aufgrund von Parallelen in der Domestikationsgeschichte, fungieren europäische und afrikanische Hausrinder als theoretischer Rahmen. Die Daten wurden mittels Kamerafallen und Interviews in vier Fallstudien erhoben. Die Untersuchungsgebiete befinden sich in räumlicher Nähe zu Schutzgebieten in Deutschland (Nationalpark Unteres Odertal und Naturpark Westhavelland), Namibia (Etosha Nationalpark) und Tansania (Serengeti Nationalpark). Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass bestimmte Praktiken des Weidemanagements in Deutschland Potential haben, die Nachhaltigkeit der Weidetierhaltung in Afrika zu erhöhen. In Afrika sind die Reaktionen der Wildtierzönosen auf verschiedene Weidesysteme stärker ausgeprägt als in Europa. Ein gemeinsames Phänomen in allen Fallstudien sind hohe Konflikte mit streng geschützten Wildarten. Die Ergebnisse deuten darauf hin, dass Agrobiodiversität nur erfolgreich geschützt werden kann, wenn Managementstrategien den Anforderungen der Landwirte gerecht werden. Es gibt Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen den Untersuchungsgebieten in Deutschland und privatem Farmland in Namibia. Sorgfältige Anpassungen an die standortspezifischen Bedingungen sind erforderlich wenn ein in Europa entwickeltes Weidesystem in Afrika praktiziert wird. Die Ergebnisse aus Tansania sind ein Indikator für die extreme Veränderung der Landschaft und ausgeprägte Mensch-Wildtier-Konflikte. Besonders dort, wo Rinder hohe kulturelle Bedeutung haben, ist es nötig, die Menschen für Nachhaltigkeit im Weidemanagement zu sensibilisieren. Traditionelle Praktiken des schwindenden Pastoralismus erscheinen vielversprechend um die Nachhaltigkeit der Weidehaltung auf kommunalem Land in Afrika zu erhöhen. / These comparative studies deal with the interactions between grazing cattle and wildlife. The thesis is based on the central hypothesis that strongly transformed European landscapes and less disturbed African savannas can provide each other a valuable reference. Due to parallels in the domestication history, European and African cattle function as theoretical framework of these studies. The data were collected via camera traps and interviews in four case studies. The study areas are in close vicinity to protected areas in Germany (Lower Oder Valley National Park and Westhavelland Nature Park), Namibia (Etosha National Park) and Tanzania (Serengeti National Park). The results show that certain practices of the pasture management in Germany have potential to increase the sustainability of livestock grazing in Africa. In Africa, the responses of the wildlife communities to different grazing systems are more pronounced than in Europe. A common phenomenon in all case studies is a high level of conflict with strictly protected wildlife species. The results suggest that agro-biodiversity can only be successfully protected if management strategies meet the requirements of farmers. There are several similarities between the study areas in Germany and private farmland in Namibia. Careful adaptation to the site-specific conditions is required when a grazing system developed in Europe is practiced in Africa. The results from Tanzania are an indicator of the extreme change in the landscape and pronounced human-wildlife conflicts. Especially where cattle are of high cultural value, it is necessary to sensitize people to sustainability in pasture management. Traditional practices of declining pastoralism appear promising to increase the sustainability of grazing on communal land in Africa.

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This thesis is an ethnography of how places like mountain pastures (jailoos), hydro-electric dams and holy sites (mazars) matter in striving for a good life. Based on eighteen months of fieldwork in the Toktogul valley of Kyrgyzstan, this study contributes to theoretical questions in the anthropology of post-socialism, time, space, work and enjoyment. I use the term ‘moral geography’ to emphasize a spatial imaginary that is centred on ideas of ‘the good life’, both ethical and happy. This perspective captures an understanding of jailoos which connects food, health, wealth and beauty. In comparing attitudes towards a Soviet and post-Soviet dam, I reveal changes in the nature of the state, property and collective labour. People in Toktogul hold agentive places like mazars and non-personalized places like dams and jailoos apart, implying not one overarching philosophy of nature, but a world in which types of places have different gradations of object-ness and personhood. I show how people use forms of commemoration as a means of establishing connections between people, claims on land and aspirations of ‘becoming cultured’. I demonstrate how people draw on repertoires of epic or Soviet heroism and mobility in conceiving their life story and agency in shaping events. Different times and places such as ‘eternal’ jailoos and Soviet dams are often collapsed as people derive personal authority from connections to them. Analysing accounts of collectivization and privatization I argue that the Soviet period is often treated as a ‘second tradition’ used to judge the present. People also strive for ‘the good life’ through working practices that are closely linked to the Soviet experience, and yet differ from Marxist definitions of labour. The pervasively high value of work is fed from different, formally conflicting sources of moral authority such as Socialism, Islam and neo-liberal ideals of ‘entrepreneurship’. I discuss how parties, poetry and song bring together jakshylyk (goodness) as enjoyment and virtue. I show how song and poetry act as moral guides, how arman yearning is purposely enjoyed in Kyrgyz music and how it relates to nostalgia and nature imagery. The concept of ‘moral geography’ allows me to investigate how people strive for well-being, an investigation that is just as important as focusing on problem-solving and avoiding pain. It also allows an analysis of place and time that holds material interactions, moral ideals, economic and political dimensions in mind.

Le classement des institutions pastorales peules du yaaral et du degal (Delta intérieur du Niger) à la liste des chefs-d’œuvre du patrimoine oral et immatériel de l’humanité de l’UNESCO est au fondement d’une interrogation sur les modalités de l’appropriation et de l’application des politiques internationales du patrimoine culturel immatériel. Dans un contexte de décentralisation politique et de transformations des sociétés agro-pastorales, le croisement des enjeux contemporains du pastoralisme transhumant à l’application du programme de sauvegarde conçu selon les nouvelles normes patrimoniales de la protection de la diversité culturelle, de l’implication des populations et du développement durable, alimente une réflexion sur les pratiques politiques de la tradition et de l’appartenance. Les interactions entre ce système politique et symbolique d’usage du passé et les représentations et pratiques ordinaires, parfois conflictuelles, du bien classé, révèlent les relations de pouvoir relatives à la gestion des identités et à l’exploitation du foncier entre l’État malien et divers acteurs. Le croisement et le recyclage mutuel de stéréotypes sur le pastoralisme peul mobilisés dans des stratégies contradictoires à des échelles locales, nationales et globales produisent une scène originale des fêtes de transhumance. Une lecture continuiste entre tradition et patrimoine dans laquelle celui-ci serait une forme extravertie et institutionnalisée de la tradition rend compte du caractère historique des processus de patrimonialisation et de leur inscription dans une histoire longue marquée par des usages et des reformulations dynamiques des symboles culturels. / The proclamation of the yaaral and degal pastoral institutions (Inner Niger Delta) on the UNESCO’s list of “masterpieces of the oral and intangible heritage of humanity” is the basis for the study of the forms of appropriation and implementation of international intangible heritage policies. In a context of political decentralization and transformation of agro-pastoral societies, the intersection of contemporary challenges of transhumant pastoralism with the application of a safeguarding program developed according to the new patrimonial standards for the protection of cultural diversity, the involvement of populations and sustainable development, fuels consideration of political practices of tradition and belonging. The interactions between this political and symbolic system of use of the past and ordinary representations and practices of the listed item, sometimes conflicting, reveal power relationships relative to the management of identities and land exploitation, between the Malian State and miscellaneous actors. The intersection and mutual recycling of stereotypes about fulɓe pastoralism mobilized in contradictory strategies at local, national and global scales, produce an original stage for transhumance festivals. Considering the continuum between tradition and heritage, in which heritage would be an extroverted and institutionalized form of tradition, highlights the historical nature of heritagization processes and their inclusion in a long history marked by uses and dynamic reformulations of cultural symbols.

This thesis examines the responses of non-indigenous pastoralists in Central Australian rangelands to two social movements that profoundly challenge their occupancy, use and management of land. Contemporary environmentalism and Aboriginal land rights have both challenged the status of pastoralists as valued primary producers and bearers of a worthy pioneer heritage. Instead, pastoralists have become associated with land degradation, biodiversity loss, and Aboriginal dispossession. Such pressure has intensified in the 1990s in the wake of the native Title debate, and various conservation campaigns in the arid and semi-arid rangelands. The pressure on pastoralists occur in the context of wider reassessment of the social and economic values or rangelands in which pastoralism is seen as having declined in value compared to ???post-production??? land uses. Reassessments of rangelands in turn are part of the global changes in the status of rural areas, and of the growing flexibility in the very meaning of ???rural???. Through ethnographic fieldwork among largely non-indigenous pastoralists in Central Australia, this thesis investigates the nature and foundations of pastoralists??? responses to these changes and critiques. Through memory, history, labour and experience of land, non-indigenous pastoralists construct a narrative of land, themselves and others in which the presence of pastoralism in Central Australia is naturalised, and Central Australia is narrated as an inherently pastoral landscape. Particular types of environmental knowledge and experience, based in actual environmental events and processes form the foundation for a discourse of pastoral property rights. Pastoralists accommodate environmental concerns, through advocating environmental stewardship. They do this in such a way that Central Australia is maintained as a singularly pastoral landscape, and one in which a European, or ???white???, frame of reference continues to dominate. In this way the domesticated pastoral landscapes of colonialism and nationalism are reproduced. The thesis also examines Aboriginal pastoralism as a distinctive form of pastoralism, which fulfils distinctly Aboriginal land use and cultural aspirations, and undermines the conventional meaning of ???pastoralism??? itself. The thesis ends by suggesting that improved dialogue over rangelands futures depends on greater understanding of the details and complexities of local relationships between groups of people, and between people and land.

Many early anthropological studies treated pastoralist populations as egalitarian, however there is considerable variation in the resources available to individual households. This thesis considers how resources influence the subsistence system of the pastoral Datoga of Lake Eyasi. The two categories of resources considered are wealth and labour. The labour available to Datoga households does not influence the herding strategies of those households. In turn, the herding strategies do not affect the dynamics of cattle herds. This is because households that are short of labour can arrange for their animals to be herded by members of different households, and there are no discernible costs associated with this. Wealth, defined by livestock holdings, can be measured either as total household wealth, or as wealth per capita. These are conceptually distinct. Among the Datoga, households that are wealthy in terms of total livestock holdings, are also wealthy in terms of wealth per capita, but not proportionally more so. Once households have about five livestock units per capita, any increase in household wealth is used to attract new people to the household, rather than to increase the wealth of existing household members. For many aspects of the production system overall household wealth and wealth per capita have a similar effect, but this is not always the case. In some instances overall household wealth can explain variation between households, whereas wealth per capita cannot. This occurs when the absolute number of animals belonging to a household is important. In terms of provisioning the household and household economics, per capita wealth explains more of the variation between households. Overall the Datoga are struggling to survive. They have been alienated from more fertile areas, and consequently they are poor, and herd productivity is low. This is due to the low reproduction rate of cattle, and the high commercial offtake rate of both cattle and small stock. The high commercial offtake rate is driven by subsistence needs and most income is used to buy grain and veterinary products. However, there is considerable variation between households, and compared to poor households, wealthy households have a comparatively low offtake rate of livestock, in terms of both mortality and sales. Consequently, they are managing to retain their livestock holdings, or in a few cases to increase the size of their herds. However, wealthy households are in the minority, and the majority of households are caught in a declining cycle of poverty, and will eventually be forced to drop out of the pastoral system.

This thesis examines the responses of non-indigenous pastoralists in Central Australian rangelands to two social movements that profoundly challenge their occupancy, use and management of land. Contemporary environmentalism and Aboriginal land rights have both challenged the status of pastoralists as valued primary producers and bearers of a worthy pioneer heritage. Instead, pastoralists have become associated with land degradation, biodiversity loss, and Aboriginal dispossession. Such pressure has intensified in the 1990s in the wake of the native Title debate, and various conservation campaigns in the arid and semi-arid rangelands. The pressure on pastoralists occur in the context of wider reassessment of the social and economic values or rangelands in which pastoralism is seen as having declined in value compared to ???post-production??? land uses. Reassessments of rangelands in turn are part of the global changes in the status of rural areas, and of the growing flexibility in the very meaning of ???rural???. Through ethnographic fieldwork among largely non-indigenous pastoralists in Central Australia, this thesis investigates the nature and foundations of pastoralists??? responses to these changes and critiques. Through memory, history, labour and experience of land, non-indigenous pastoralists construct a narrative of land, themselves and others in which the presence of pastoralism in Central Australia is naturalised, and Central Australia is narrated as an inherently pastoral landscape. Particular types of environmental knowledge and experience, based in actual environmental events and processes form the foundation for a discourse of pastoral property rights. Pastoralists accommodate environmental concerns, through advocating environmental stewardship. They do this in such a way that Central Australia is maintained as a singularly pastoral landscape, and one in which a European, or ???white???, frame of reference continues to dominate. In this way the domesticated pastoral landscapes of colonialism and nationalism are reproduced. The thesis also examines Aboriginal pastoralism as a distinctive form of pastoralism, which fulfils distinctly Aboriginal land use and cultural aspirations, and undermines the conventional meaning of ???pastoralism??? itself. The thesis ends by suggesting that improved dialogue over rangelands futures depends on greater understanding of the details and complexities of local relationships between groups of people, and between people and land.

The Jiroft valley, in southeastern Iran, was an important agricultural centre since the Early Bronze Age (3rd millennium BCE). The valley is characterized by harsh environmental settings: hot climate with poor rainfall. However, more optimal conditions may have prevailed earlier that supported ancient settlements. A 250-cm sediment core was retrieved from a peat-land at Konar Sandal, a major archaeological find attributed to Jiroft culture. The palynological data from this core was combined with geochemical and sedimentological proxies aimed at establishing the human-environment interactions in the area. The study focus was directed at vegetation history and landscape evolution, hydroclimatic changes and past human activities, that started just after the projected collapse of the Jiroft (4 ka) and extended all the way from the late Bronze Age to the Mongol invasion (0.6 ka). The results indicate that the valley was dominated by Saharo-Sindian open pseudo-savannah vegetation for the last 4000 years. However, due to anthropogenic clearance and intensified agro-pastoral activities, and also climatic factors, the land cover shifted from open xeric scrubland forests to more open, degraded landscapes. The principal human practice in these early settlements was cereal cultivation. But it is likely that during the more arid periods, communities retreated and abandoned agriculture, facilitating successional processes. Such droughts occurred in 4-3.8 ka and 3.4-2.8 ka and were supported by palynological data, C/N and Fe2O3 content. Peat formation was characteristic to the wetland during these arid periods. These droughts corresponded to drought phases detected in other studies, and were attributed to changes in Siberian Anticyclones. Dynamics of Artemisia and desert shrubs indicate milder climate around 3.8-3.4 ka and 2.8-0.6 ka. In the latter episode, during the rule of Persian Empire (ca. 550 BCE-650 CE) and Islamic epoch, the highest vegetation degradation state and most intensive human activities were observed. Some inconspicuous human practices, such as date cultivation, may have occurred on site as an adaptation to extreme environmental conditions. / High-resolution paleolimnological records from Lake Jazmurian: Climate-culture evolution at Jiroft in southeast Iran during the Holocene

In addition to the interaction of evolutionary forces, the population history of the African Sahel and Arabia has been influenced by the spread of Neolithic cultural innovations. The reflection of these processes today is a very complex structured diversity of the current populations, which is presented here through the analysis of several genetic markers. The aim is to provide a comprehensive view of the history of demographic processes in the Sahel and Arabia, by combining genetic, linguistic, subsistence and geographical data obtained from local populations. A study of a large dataset of mtDNA sequences showed that Arabia was a major crossroads in gene flow, and although it was colonized by anatomically modern humans from East Africa, today's differentiation from Africa is greater than the differentiation between local populations in these regions. Even the Sahel was an important biocorridor in the past. Today, we encounter populations of various subsistence strategies (nomadic pastoralists and settled farmers), between which gene flow has been severely restricted. A comparison of uniparently inherited loci in both groups points to different migratory activity in the eastern and western parts of the Sahel. Analyzes of Alu elements, which indicated the inclination of West African herders (Fulbs)...

Shepherd's expansion into the Eastern Tatras valleys started latest in the 14th century. The peak of the pastoralism was Walachian colonization in the 16th century. Shephards usually used to drive out their herd (to pasture) to an altitude over 2000 meters above the sea level. The damage caused by grazing has grown to such proportions that pasturage was prohibited in some areas. After the establishment of the Tatra National Park the pastoralism in the High Tatras and Belianske Tatras in Slovakia was completely banned. In Poland shepherding was recovered in the form of cultural pasture, which is being regulated under strict conditions to prevent damage to the environment, after about 30 years long pause in the territory of Tatrzański Park Narodowy. The main objective of my thesis is to find out whether it would be possible to bring back the grazing to the territory of the Tatra National Park. If yes, then under what specific conditions, with what advantages or disadvantages, in its comprehensive perspective, not only natural but also socio-cultural. I took inspiration from the cultural pasture in Poland, and I was interested in the negatives of regulated grazing as well. I made my research in the form of semi-structured interviews with experts and with general public. The results of the empirical...