By the 1960s violence became institutionalized in modern Jamaican politics. This endemic violence fostered an unstable political environment that developed out of a symbiotic relationship between Jamaican labor organizations and political violence. Consequently, the political process was destabilized by the corrosive influence of partisan politics, whereby party loyalists dependent on political patronage were encouraged by the parties to defend local constituencies and participate in political conflict. Within this system the Jamaican general election process became ominous and violent, exemplifying how limited political patronage was dispersed among loyal party supporters. This dissertation examines the role of the political parties and how they mobilized grassroot supporters through inspirational speeches, partisan ideology, complex political patronage networks, and historic party platform issues from 1940 through 1980. The dissertation argues that the development of Jamaican trade unionism and its corresponding leadership created the political framework out of which Jamaica's two major political parties, the Jamaica Labor Party (JLP) and People's National Party (PNP) emerged. Within the evolution of their support base Jamaican politicians such as Alexander Bustamante utilized their influence over local constituencies to create a garrison form of mobilization that relied heavily upon violence. By investigating the social and political connection between local politicians and violence, this dissertation examines how events such as the Henry Rebellion in 1960, the 1978 Green Bay Massacre, and the public murder of the PNP candidate Roy McGann in 1980 demonstrate the failure of traditional Jamaican political patronage to control extremist violence among grassroot supporters, giving rise to a general public dissatisfaction with the established Jamaican leadership. This transformation of the political system resulted in the institutionalization of political violence by the late 1960s, and a pattern of general elections destabilized by vicious conflicts between JLP and PNP gangs. This political violence was reflected in the rise of gang dons such as Jim Brown and Wayne "Sandokhan" Smith who became independent of the patronage system through their exploitation of the drug trade. Consequently, modern Jamaican politics in the twenty-first century is fractured and local political leaders have lost control of the gangs.

There are two main principles under which jurisdictions tax income – source and residence. The point of these two principles is to establish a ‘nexus’ or link between a taxable transaction, operation or activity and a taxing state. It is this nexus which is used to justify the imposition of taxation by the jurisdiction on a particular taxpayer. Where a taxpayer is a ‘resident’ of a jurisdiction, then that person often becomes liable to pay tax on income derived from all sources. Where a taxpayer is a ‘nonresident’ of a jurisdiction, then that person often becomes liable to pay tax on income derived from sources within a particular, relevant jurisdiction. The concept of source of income is fundamentally important to both Australia and Hong Kong. Australia adopts a worldwide tax system that taxes its residents on Australian and foreign income and non-residents on Australian income, whilst Hong Kong adopts a territorial tax system that forgoes taxing foreign income irrespective of who has derived it. The fundamental basis for taxation under a territorial tax system is the source of income; while the fundamental basis for taxation under a worldwide tax system is the concept of residence. In both jurisdictions, the decisions of the courts on the meaning of source have been crucial in defining the concept of ‘source of income’ for tax purposes. The foundations of source-based taxation are less stable today. There is no universal set of source rules that can readily be applied to every circumstance to determine the source or locality of profits. The growth in international trade, supported by the development of electronic commerce, has substantially increased source-related revenue risks. Entities are increasingly able to structure their finances and conduct their affairs without being constrained by geography or national boundaries. Anticipated profits may be shifted to a related party and from one jurisdiction to another to arrive at a reduced overall tax burden. It is becoming increasingly difficult to determine from what and where income originates. The thesis examines the nature of the current source rules in Australia and Hong Kong and analyses the fundamental adequacy of the source principle generally when confronted, especially, with the challenge of rapidly growing Internet-based commercial activities. Australia and Hong Kong have been chosen for comparative study for the following reasons: the two jurisdictions are good examples of small-medium advanced economies; they are similar in the sense that they are, primarily, knowledge capital-importing jurisdictions; their approaches to ‘source’ differ markedly; and these approaches tend towards each end of the ‘source spectrum’. The thesis identifies certain principal research questions. The basic responses to these questions are: The concept of source of income is, essentially, less clear today in the domestic tax law of Australia and Hong Kong than before. Determining the source of income in Australia and Hong Kong can be a very complex issue. The difficulty related to making such determinations is growing. Searching for the real source of income has become still more problematic with the increase in globalisation and the rapid growth of Internet-based commerce. The traditional concept of source of income has ‘lost traction’ as a fundamental basis for effectively imposing income taxation, especially, in today’s globalised economy. Existing source rules do not deal adequately with certain ‘revenue-leakage’ issues confronting us today and, even more, the likely issues of tomorrow. We need to reconsider how we can better address these issues. The thesis establishes that this is so for Australia and Hong Kong. It also reasons that this proposition generally holds true for most developed tax jurisdictions. The thesis concludes with a detailed review of three of the most prominent optional approaches for addressing the source challenge: (A) a move to a new refundable withholding-tax-based method of taxing cross-border electronic commerce; (B) a shift to far greater reliance on the use of the residence principle of taxation; and (C) a shift to notably greater reliance on (indirect) consumption taxation. Option C, it is argued, offers the best prospects for dealing in the least bad way with the identified issues.

[Abstract]: Since the 1990s, the discourse of security has undergone profound change. Rather than merely pertaining to a more traditional, narrow interpretation of security primarily focusing on nation-states instead of people, a human dimension, known as human security has been added. While such discussions on human security have attempted to encompass threats to humanity as a whole, interpretations of such threats have largely failed to recognise the exceptional threats faced by women. Although threats found in analytical discussions of human security do relate to women, it is imperative that a sharper focus be placed on the additional threats women face in terms of their security; ones that might become blurred in general discourse, such as economic, educational and employment disparities, gender discrimination, substandard healthcare, restricted access to healthcare facilities, human trafficking and male violence.This dissertation seeks to provide a gendered analysis of human security, using women in China as its focus. To provide a focused examination, it takes a global source of human insecurity, HIV/AIDS, and examines why women in China are increasingly at risk from HIV/AIDS. In addition to assessing the impact that this pandemic poses for their security, it also attempts to investigate the social impacts HIV/AIDS is having on women in China and what measures the government has put in place to halt the spread of HIV/AIDS. The extent and nature of the role played by intergovernmental organisations (IGOs), non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international non-governmental organisations (INGOs) in China’s HIV/AIDS epidemic is also explored. This research was prompted by the limited nature of a gendered analysis in the mainstream human security literature, and the need to identify the unique threats to human security faced by women. The realisation that the ‘disempowered status’ of women increases their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS, and that HIV/AIDS is becoming a major source of insecurity for many women around the world (and in China in particular), provides a relevant focus for such an investigation.

This study investigates the role of the state in Singapore???s political economy. The conventional methodology in the neoclassical economics tradition is essentially apolitical and is thus inadequate to appraise the inner working mechanism of the Singapore polity, given the pervasive influence of politics in policy decisions. This study therefore synthesizes a new analytical methodology, drawn from neo-institutionalism, to analyse the interrelations of state, market and social institutions in the Singapore of the People???s Action Party (PAP). Ronald Coase???s theorem of transaction costs, Steven Cheung???s economics of property rights and Douglass North???s theories of institutions and institutional change, collectively, provide a theoretical framework that allows this study to examine the intrinsic nature and characteristics of the Singapore polity. Three major areas are investigated using this research paradigm. The first is the post-war political transition from colony to self-rule and the eventual emergence of an independent Singapore in the context of Cold War politics. The second is the process of social engineering through reconstitution, resettlement and socialization, a process that has aimed to alter the institutional environment that regulates the state and people and has tended to generate a submissive social ethos. The focus of the third is the redefining of property rights through nationalization, industrialisation, and privatisation that, in effect, has resulted in the extensive transfer of private wealth to the state. Four case studies are offered to demonstrate the impact of politics in the making of economic policy, the general effect of which has been to eradicate entrepreneurs in favour of state-owned entities. The analysis concludes that Singapore is essentially to be characterised as a predatory state, and adopts Mancur Olson???s ???stationary bandit??? theory to reconcile the state???s predatory behaviour with Singapore???s record of positive economic development. The study identifies nine unique features that have characterised the Singapore polity, the single most important feature being the emergence of ???Lee???s Law??? which amounts to the paramount Singapore informal rule in regulating all aspect of social exchange. It is paramount because without reference to this rule the inner working mechanism of Singapore???s political economy cannot be explicated. But the predominance of PAP control imposes a heavy social cost as it risks Singapore???s long-term viability as a national state because of the likely emergence of distributional collusion and institutional sclerosis. Singapore???s long-term viability is therefore contingent upon the kind of political reformation that would reinstitute a low transaction cost mediation mechanism that would then facilitate incremental institutional change.

Despite receiving large quantities of aid, many developing countries, especially the Least Developed Countries, have remained stagnant and became more aid-dependent. This grim reality provokes vigorous debate on the effectiveness of aid. This study re-examines the effectiveness of aid, focusing on the ongoing debate on the interactive effect of aid and policy conditionality on sustainable economic growth. A theoretical model of the aid-growth nexus was developed to explain why policy conditionality attached to aid may not always promote sustainable economic growth. Noticeable methodological weaknesses in the aid fungibility and aid-growth models have led to the construction of two macroeconometric models to tackle and reduce these weaknesses. The Lao People's Democratic Republic's economy for the 1978-2001 period has been used for a case study.It is argued that the quality of policy conditionality and the recipient country's ability to complete specified policy conditions are the main factors determining the effectiveness of aid. Completing the policy prescriptions contributes to a stable aid inflow. The aid-growth nexus model developed in this study shows that stable and moderate aid inflow boosts economic growth even when aid is fungible. However, failure to complete the policy conditionality owing to inadequate policy design and problems of policy mismanagement caused by lack of state and institutional capability in the recipient country triggers an unstable aid inflow. The model shows that unstable aid flows reduce capital accumulation and economic growth in the recipient country. These empirical findings reveal that policy conditionality propagated through the "adjustment programmes" has mitigated the side effects of aid fungibility and "Dutch disease" in the case of the Lao PDR. Preliminary success in implementing the policy conditions in the pre-1997 period led to a stable aid inflow and contributed to higher economic growth. This favourable circumstance, however, was impaired by unstable aid flow in the post-1997 period. The lack of state and institutional capacity in the Lao PDR and the inadequate policy design to deal with external shocks triggered the instability of aid inflow, which in turn exacerbated the negative effects of the Asian financial crisis on the Lao PDR's economy.

This dissertation considers the case of the Mesoamerican People’s Forum (MPF), a Central American ‘cousin’ of the World Social Forum, and manifestation of the Global Justice Movement. It argues that the MPF cannot be adequately understood as a transnational social movement or as an ‘open space.’ Rather, it is best understood as a political playing field on which the leaders of locally rooted social movements contested the future of the Central American left within an uncertain and changing political context. Based on extensive ethnographic field work and grounded analysis, it argues that well-placed actors within forum spaces can best be thought of as ‘mediators’ between state and society. The emergence of de facto federated governance structures in Central America, plus weak democratic institutions, have placed new pressures on mediators. Leaders within the Central American left find that they need to build up and/or maintain power bases to shield their positions within an uncertain political environment. They mobilize people to participate in transnational forum spaces because of the legitimating benefits, but shape networked flows within these spaces to limit the potential for networking to erode established positions. Thus I conclude that openness is neither the condition nor the objective of social forums, but rather a pawn strategically deployed or retracted in the course of networked interactions. The work advances thinking about the nature of collective political subjectivity in an era of transformationalist globalization. It also argues in favor of critical realist perspectives on collectivization in a post-development, globalizing world. Specifically, scholars can best advance an ‘epistemology of the south’ by promoting and protecting cognitive justice, which in turn can be achieved through the use of realist approaches that serve to uncover the practices of power at work within networked spaces.

This dissertation considers the case of the Mesoamerican People’s Forum (MPF), a Central American ‘cousin’ of the World Social Forum, and manifestation of the Global Justice Movement. It argues that the MPF cannot be adequately understood as a transnational social movement or as an ‘open space.’ Rather, it is best understood as a political playing field on which the leaders of locally rooted social movements contested the future of the Central American left within an uncertain and changing political context. Based on extensive ethnographic field work and grounded analysis, it argues that well-placed actors within forum spaces can best be thought of as ‘mediators’ between state and society. The emergence of de facto federated governance structures in Central America, plus weak democratic institutions, have placed new pressures on mediators. Leaders within the Central American left find that they need to build up and/or maintain power bases to shield their positions within an uncertain political environment. They mobilize people to participate in transnational forum spaces because of the legitimating benefits, but shape networked flows within these spaces to limit the potential for networking to erode established positions. Thus I conclude that openness is neither the condition nor the objective of social forums, but rather a pawn strategically deployed or retracted in the course of networked interactions. The work advances thinking about the nature of collective political subjectivity in an era of transformationalist globalization. It also argues in favor of critical realist perspectives on collectivization in a post-development, globalizing world. Specifically, scholars can best advance an ‘epistemology of the south’ by promoting and protecting cognitive justice, which in turn can be achieved through the use of realist approaches that serve to uncover the practices of power at work within networked spaces.

This study, a document analysis with a qualitative approach, explores children, under 18years, who have been subject to measures of child welfare in the city of Malmö during theyears 1935-1937. It also explores the school's role in this context. The questions that the studyis guided by is: How was children described in the Child Welfare documents in Malmö duringthe years 1935-1937? And what role did the school have in Child Welfare work and whatmotivated this? The theoretical approaches are Foucaults theories of power, control anddisciplining.It appears from the study that the school and child welfare authorities had a close cooperationwith the purpose to control the upbringing and disciplining of the children. It was through theupbringing that the deviant child would become a "normal", docile and good, industriouscitizen. The school, as well as the board, had to shoulder a part of the upbringing when theparents skills in their upbringing of the children was questioned by society.This study can hopefully provide knowledge and understanding of our social history, it mayhelp us to understand the great changes that have occurred and what is still unchanged.

Abstract With the rapid growth of economy, the People's Republic of China plays an important role in the global community since the reform and opening up in 1978. With the rising of China, China changes its view of the world. Under the concept of ¡§Five Principles¡¨, China changes its policy from ¡§tao guang yang hui¡¨ to peaceful rise and peaceful development. The study uses the approach of geopolitics to discuss the relationship between geography and strategy, geography is the foundation of national safety strategy, existence and development. Napoleon Bonaparte has said when you understand the geography of one nation, you can understand its foreign policy. The study uses the concept of China¡¦s peaceful rising to discuss the influences to other nations in Asia Pacific region including south and north Korea, Russia, Japan, Taiwan and ASEAN. By the way, after 911 Terrorist Attack, America changes its China policy and cooperates with China, China also improves it relationship with America at the same time. China¡¦s peaceful rising no doubt would influence the interests of America in Asia Pacific region, therefore, the study focuses on how would America face the situation of China¡¦s peaceful rising. On the early days of cold war, because of Taiwan¡¦s special geographical position, Taiwan became the foundation of America¡¦s deterrence theory. After the cold war, with the change of America¡¦s global strategy and the end of Vietnam war, Taiwan became less important. Besides, the hegemony of America is weaken in the end of cold war, China tries to become the superpower of Asia Pacific region with the concept of peaceful raising. To Taiwan, the rise of China will limit the development of Taiwan, Taiwan needs to consider the growth and decline of America and China in the future.

Masters th.--Department of political studies--Kingston (Ont.)--Queen's university, 1992. Titre de soutenance : New lamps for old ? : the evolution of Swapo's philosophy of development, 1960-1991. / Bibliogr. p. 145-168. Index.