Evidence-informed health policy making contributes to improved health outcomes by strengthening health systems. In addition, health policy decisions should take into consideration the needs and priorities of users of healthcare services. However, little research has been done to find best ways to facilitate evidence-informed and participatory health policymaking, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. This thesis is written based on three studies done in Ethiopia to fill this knowledge gap. In the first study, we examined whether, how and under what conditions evidence was used and service-users participated during the agenda-setting and policy formulation phases of selected policies in the ‘prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV’ program in Ethiopia using a multiple-case study design. In the second study, we identified strategies to facilitate evidence-informed health policy making using an online survey. In the third study, we identified strategies to facilitate participatory health policy making using a combined paper-based and Internet-based Delphi approach. The thesis does not have direct theoretical contribution. However, it will draw on two theoretical frameworks, namely Kingdon’s framework and the 3I+E framework. and use them in a setting from where they were originally developed. This thesis has two substantive and three methodological contributions. Substantively, the first study provides empirical evidence about the current practice of evidence-informed and participatory health policy making in a low-income, ‘revolutionary’ democratic country (Ethiopia). In addition, the studies have identified strategies to concretize the constitutional and policy provisions for evidence-informed and participatory health policy making in Ethiopia. The thesis has the following three methodological contributions. First, the studies explored the use of Kingdon’s multiple-streams framework and the 3I+E framework in predicting factors influencing agenda-setting and policy formulation phases, respectively, and in explaining the use of research evidence in informing these two phases in a ‘revolutionary’ democratic country where they have not previously been used. Second, the thesis has shown that paper-based and Internet-based Delphi could be combined in contexts with limited resources. Third, the thesis has demonstrated the possibility of training service-users as ‘peer’ researchers to collect and analyze data to inform their participation and maximize their contribution in surveys, forming a pyramid of participation. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Evidence-informed health policy making can contribute to improved health outcomes by strengthening health systems. In addition, health policy decisions ultimately affect users of healthcare services. Thus, such decisions should take into consideration their needs and priorities. However, little research has been done to find best ways to facilitate evidence-informed and participatory health policymaking, particularly in low- and middle-income countries. This thesis is written based on three studies done in Ethiopia. In the first study, we examined whether, how and under what conditions evidence was used and service-users participated in the ‘prevention of mother-to-child transmission of HIV’ program in Ethiopia. In the second and third studies, we identified strategies to facilitate evidence-informed and participatory health policy making. In addition, we explored the possibility of combining Internet- and paper-based methods for consensus-building among policymakers, program managers, researchers, healthcare providers and service-users in settings with limited resources.

Thesis (MPA (Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The objective of the study was to critically assess the management practices of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital in terms of the five public management functions, namely: policy-making, planning, organising, leading and controlling. From the study it is evident that managers of the public hospitals work in a complex and dynamic environment. This is as a result of the pressure felt due to expectations of the public on the quality of service rendered in the hospitals. The primary function of public managers is to ensure that efficient and effective services are rendered to the public. Therefore, all public managers are subject to compliance to the unique guidelines of the relevant legislative framework. In the study, the five public management functions were explained in terms of the broad theoretical framework on management practices on the part of the public sector. The research approach was qualitative and the diagnostic evaluation design was used. The target population for the study included all 48 managers of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital who occupy supervisory and higher positions. From the results in the analysis of the questionnaire it is evident that the five public management functions, namely, policy-making, planning, organising, leading and controlling were satisfactory - except the leadership function that needed attention. Public managers of hospitals are an important link between the legislature and the community who are the recipients of policy and are involved at the ground level in the execution of policy. These managers are at an advantage to identify the shortcomings in the existing policy and bring them to the attention of policy-makers. Policies and procedures at Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital were developed, interpreted and implemented. When discipline on employees was taken, relevant policies as stipulated in the Labour Relations Act, no 66 of 1995, were followed. Policies that support personal development through training and development were not implemented satisfactorily. The existing updated policy manuals were not adequately available to all the employees of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital. The function of planning at the hospital referred to the planning processes and mechanisms that were designed to facilitate the planning work. The purpose of planning as a management function was to give guidelines to the managers of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital on what they would do in the future. Management of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital ensured that employees understood the vision and mission of the hospital. These employees were involved in developing the operational plan of the hospital. Management of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital also ensured that operational plans of the employees supported the overall goals of the hospital. Recruitments, selections and appointments were done by human resource department, as was the orientation of new employees to the job. The organisational structure gave employees a clear idea of their responsibilities, the authority they had, and the person to whom they had to report. The functional structure of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital grouped together similar or related occupational classes. Expectations were clearly explained by supervisors to subordinates when assigning tasks. Activities and functions were organised and managers allocated responsibility commensurate to authority when delegating tasks to subordinates. Personnel expenditure at Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital did not impede service delivery. The hospital needed strong leadership to survive and overcome challenges that managers faced. The leadership function at Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital related to the way management defined what the future of the hospital would look like, to align people with the vision and inspire them to make things happen. Not enough was done by the management of the hospital in this area. The management of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital should do everything it could to train and develop managers and those employees who show potential in this area. The five public management functions, namely, policy-making, planning, organising, leading and controlling are executed in a complex and dynamic environment. It is necessary to assess, regularly, the management practices of public hospitals, focusing on the five public management functions. It is also necessary for public managers of Dr Yusuf Dadoo Public Hospital to ensure that the public management functions are carried out, to realise the set goals of the hospital. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van die studie was om die bestuurspraktyke van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal krities te assesseer in terme van die vyf openbare bestuursfunksies, naamlik beleidmaking, beplanning, organisering, leiding en beheer. Uit die studie is dit duidelik dat bestuurders van openbare hospitale in ’n komplekse en dinamiese omgewing werk. Dit is die gevolg van die druk wat ervaar word vanweë verwagtinge van die publiek ten opsigte van die gehalte van dienslewering in die hospitale. Die primêre funksie van openbare bestuurders is om te verseker dat doeltreffende en effektiewe dienste aan die publiek gelewer word. Derhalwe is alle openbare bestuurders onderworpe aan voldoening aan die unieke riglyne van die betrokke wetgewende raamwerk. In die studie is die vyf openbare bestuursfunksies verduidelik in terme van die breë teoretiese raamwerk vir bestuurspraktyke aan die kant van die openbare sektor. Die navorsingsbenadering was kwalitatief en die diagnostiese evalueringsontwerp is gebruik. Die teikenpopulasie vir die studie het al 48 bestuurders van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal wat toesighoudende en hoër posisies beklee, ingesluit. Uit die resultate van die ontleding van die vraelys het dit geblyk dat die vyf openbare bestuursfunksies, naamlik beleidmaking, beplanning, organisering, leiding en beheer, bevredigend is – behalwe die leierskapsfunksie wat aandag moet geniet. Openbare bestuurders van hospitale is ’n belangrike skakel tussen die wetgewer en die gemeenskap wat die ontvangers van beleid is en op grondvlak betrokke is by die uitvoering van beleid. Hierdie bestuurders het die voordeel dat hulle die tekortkominge in die bestaande beleid kan identifiseer en onder die aandag van beleidmakers kan bring. Beleide en prosedures by Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal is ontwikkel, vertolk en geïmplementeer. Wanneer dissiplinêre stappe teen werknemers gedoen is, is toepaslike beleide gevolg soos voorgeskryf in die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge, no. 66 van 1995. Beleide wat persoonlike ontwikkeling deur opleiding en ontwikkeling ondersteun, is nie bevredigend geïmplementeer nie. Die bestaande bygewerkte beleidshandleidings is nie toereikend vir al die werknemers van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal beskikbaar nie. Die funksie van beplanning by die hospitaal verwys na die beplanningsprosesse en meganismes wat ontwerp is om die beplanningswerk te vergemaklik. Die doel van beplanning as bestuursfunksie is om riglyne aan die bestuurders van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal te verskaf oor wat hulle in die toekoms sal doen. Die bestuur van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal het seker gemaak dat werknemers die visie en missie van die hospitaal verstaan. Hierdie werknemers was betrokke by die ontwikkeling van die bedryfsplan van die hospitaal. Die bestuur van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal het ook seker gemaak dat bedryfsplanne van die werknemers die oorkoepelende doelwitte van die hospitaal ondersteun. Werwing, keuring en aanstelling word deur die menslikehulpbron-departement gedoen, asook die oriëntering van nuwe werknemers. Die organisasiestruktuur gee aan werknemers ’n duidelike idee van hul verantwoordelikhede, hul gesag en die persoon aan wie hulle moet rapporteer. Die funksionele struktuur van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal groepeer soortgelyke of verwante beroepsklasse saam. Verwagtinge word duidelik deur toesighouers aan ondergeskiktes verduidelik wanneer take toegewys word. Aktiwiteite en funksies is georganiseerd en bestuurders wys verantwoordelikheid in ooreenstemming met gesag toe wanneer take aan ondergeskiktes gedelegeer word. Personeeluitgawes by Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal belemmer nie dienslewering nie. Die hospitaal het sterk leierskap nodig om uitdagings waarmee bestuurders te doen het, te oorleef en te oorkom. Die leierskapsfunksie by Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal hou verband met die manier waarop die bestuur die toekoms van die hospitaal gedefinieer het, die belyning van mense met die visie en die inspirasie van mense om dinge te laat gebeur. Nie genoeg is deur die bestuur van die hospitaal op hierdie gebied gedoen nie. Die bestuur van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal moet alles moontlik doen om bestuurders en daardie werknemers wat potensiaal op hierdie gebied toon, op te lei en te ontwikkel. Die vyf openbare bestuursfunksies, naamlik beleidmaking, beplanning, organisering, leiding en beheer, word uitgevoer in ’n komplekse en dinamiese omgewing. Dit is noodsaaklik om die bestuurspraktyke van openbare hospitale gereeld te assesseer deur op die vyf openbare bestuursfunksies te fokus. Dit is ook noodsaaklik dat openbare bestuurders van Dr. Yusuf Dadoo Openbare Hospitaal verseker dat die openbare bestuursfunksies uitgevoer word om die gestelde doelwitte van die hospitaal te verwesenlik.

This dissertation aims to explain the conditions under which expertise can undermine democratic decision making. I argue that the root of the conflict between expertise and democracy lies in what I call insufficiently “representative” expertise – that is forms of scientific research that are not relevant to the policy questions at hand and that fail to make visible their hidden values dimensions. I claim that the scholarly literature on the problem of expertise fails to recognize and address the issue correctly, because it does not open the black box of scientific methodologies. I maintain that only by making sense of the methodological choices of experts in the context of policy making can we determine the relevance of research and reveal the hidden socio-political values and consequences. Using the case of natural gas fracking, I demonstrate how expert contributions – even though epistemically sound – can muddle democratic policy processes. I present four case studies from controversies about fracking to show how to contextualize scientific methodologies in the pertinent political process. I argue that the common problem across all case studies is the failure of expertise to sufficiently represent stakeholders’ problems and concerns. In this context, “representation” has three criteria: (1) the operational research questions on which the qualified experts work are relevant to stakeholders’ problems and concerns; (2) the non-epistemic values and consequences of epistemic choices of experts are compatible with social and political values and priorities; and (3) hidden values attached to facts are fully transparent and openly debated. In the conclusion, I propose a normative version of this representation theory that can be used to evaluate the appropriateness of expertise for democratic policy making. Instead of the value-free science ideal, I propose a new ideal to legitimately allow non-epistemic values in scientific reasoning without compromising the soundness of research.

O papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário nos mais diversos Estados passa por sensível evolução ao longo do século XX, à medida que se desenvolveram os sistemas de controle de constitucionalidade. De um lado, os atores políticos assumem especial importância nesse processo. Os modelos de revisão judicial foram reforçados, no mais das vezes, em paralelo à positivação, em âmbito constitucional, de um amplo rol de direitos fundamentais e de princípios balizadores e limitadores do poder estatal. Com isso, os elementos cotejados no processo legislativo de tomada de decisões políticas são revestidos de status constitucional e transportados para o discurso argumentativo do Direito, o que leva a um processo de judicialização da Política que permite que a atividade legiferante seja passível de confronto perante instâncias judiciárias. Os instrumentos de controle de constitucionalidade assumem, assim, novos contornos, permitindo que o Judiciário interfira no conteúdo das escolhas políticas feitas pela maioria governante. De outro lado, o Poder Judiciário particularmente as Cortes Constitucionais passa a assumir a corresponsabilidade na efetivação das metas e compromissos estatais, com o que desenvolve uma política institucional mais proativa e comprometida com a concretização substancial de valores democráticos, interferindo, assim, de maneira mais incisiva e rígida no controle do processo político. A definição de políticas fundamentais e o processo legiferante passam a contar com constante participação do Judiciário. Na realidade brasileira, a Constituição de 1988 amplia as competência do Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de controle de constitucionalidade, inserindo o órgão de maneira efetiva nesse contexto de intervenção judicial na Política. A última década, por sua vez, marcou uma perceptível mudança em sua atividade e em sua interferência no processo de tomada de decisões políticas pelos demais Poderes. Valendo-se dos diversos instrumentos de controle que lhe são disponibilizados, assumiu o compromisso de participar na efetivação dos preceitos constitucionais pátrios mediante a revisão do conteúdo normativo decorrente das escolhas políticas tomadas em outras instâncias. Desse modo, tornou-se verdadeiro copartícipe do processo de definição de políticas legislativas nacionais, seja rechaçando normas que repute inconstitucionais, seja proferindo decisões com claros efeitos normativos que buscam readequar e conformar as escolhas dos atores políticos. Nesse processo decisório, entra em jogo a intensidade com que a Corte busca impor sua visão e suas concepções no tocante à efetivação e concretização dos compromissos constitucionais. A sobreposição de ponderações judiciais e legislativas acarreta, a seu turno, importantes efeitos sistêmicos ao diálogo interinstitucional que se desenvolve entre os Poderes, em especial no que concerne à distribuição das funções estatais dentro das premissas democráticas e ao dimensionamento do papel que compete a cada um dos Poderes no processo de efetivação e proteção da Constituição. / The role played by the Judiciary Branch in the several different States has undergone a sensible evolution throughout the 20th century to the extent that the judicial review systems develop. On the one side, the political actors assume special importance in this process. The models of judicial review have been reinforced, often times, in parallel with the enactment, in the constitutional level, of an ample list of fundamental rights and principles governing and limiting the state power. Therefore, the elements collated in the legislative process of taking political decisions are vested with constitutional status and transported to the argumentative discourse of Law, which leads to a process of judicialization of politics that allows the legislative activity to be subject to confrontation with judiciary instances. The instruments of judicial review assume, therefore, new contours allowing the Judiciary to interfere in the content of the political choices made by the governing majority. On the other side, the Judiciary Branch, and particularly the Constitutional Courts, begins to assume the co-responsibility in the effectiveness of the state goals and undertakings, resulting in the development of an institutional policy more proactive and committed to the substantial concretization of democratic values, thus interfering, in a more incisive and rigid manner, in the control of the political process. The definition of fundamental policies and the lawmaking process start to count with the participation of the Judiciary. In the Brazilian reality, the 1988 Constitution has enlarged the competence of the Brazilian Supreme Court in matters of judicial review, inserting this organ in an effective manner in the context of judicial intervention in politics. The last decade, in turn, has marked a perceptible change in its activity and in its interference in the process of decision-making political decisions by the remainder Branches of the State. By using the diverse instruments of control available to it, it has assumed the undertaking to participate in the effectiveness of the national constitutional principles by means of the review of the normative content arising from the political choices made in other instances. Therefore, it has become a true co-participant in the process of defining national legislative policy, be it by rejecting norms which it reputes unconstitutional, or by enacting decisions with clear normative effects that seek to realign and conform the choices of the political actors. In this decision-making process, comes into play the intensity with which the Court seeks to impose its view and its conceptions regarding the effectiveness and concretization of the constitutional undertakings. The overlap of judicial and legislative considerations triggers, in its turn, important systemic effects in the inter-institutions dialogue developing among the Branches, particularly with regard to the distribution of the state functions within the democratic premises and the dimension of the role played by each Branch in the effectiveness and protection of the Constitution.

Nos últimos anos o termo diplomacia presidencial tornou-se conhecido por todos devido a sua presença tanto na mídia, quanto nos meios acadêmicos e diplomáticos. O objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar o conceito de diplomacia presidencial no Brasil, cunhado por estudiosos para nomear a nova atitude – mais ativa – de alguns presidentes em política externa. Essa análise é importante para uma melhor compreensão da ação dos chefes de Executivo nacionais no cenário externo. Para isso, comparam-se publicações que abordam o conceito e aquelas que o definem, o que contribui para a compreensão do seu estatuto teórico. Além disso, confronta-se o conceito de diplomacia presidencial com outras abordagens que tratam da ação da Presidência da República na formulação de política externa. / In recent years the term presidential diplomacy has become widely known due to its constant presence in the media, the academic and diplomatic circles. This paper aims to analyze the concept of presidential diplomacy in Brazil, coined by researchers to describe the new and more active attitude toward foreign policy of some presidents. This analysis is important to better understand the actions executed by the head of the Executive in the international arena. Publications that approached the concept and those that defined it were compared in order to contribute to the comprehension of its theoretical statute. Furthermore, the concept of presidential diplomacy was confronted with other approaches that deal with the direct intervention of the Chief-of-State in the formulation of foreign policy.

In political philosophy, power and responsibility are known to be two sides of the same coin. Yet surprisingly, corporate political power has not been strongly featured in the long-standing debate surrounding Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR), despite the parallel debate on the influence of business in policy-making. The political dimension of CSR and its intrinsic relationship with Corporate Political Power (CPP) has been under-researched. This thesis adds to the CSR debate by investigating the processes and mechanisms by which CSR activities contribute to the power of the firm in the political arena, in the context of the British construction industry. Drawing on the literature on power, political activity and extended corporate citizenship, a conceptual model of the relationship between CSR and CPP was developed. The model was underpinned by insights from the Institutional Theory, the Resource Dependence Theory, and the Resource-Based View of the firm. Using a hybrid constructivist-realism epistemology and a processbased analysis, three exploratory case studies were carried out in construction companies operating in the UK. Data were collected through archival research and semi-structured interviews, and analysed by means of within and cross-case analyses. The results revealed that the political environment of the firm was analogous to a marketplace where companies traded political goods with policy-makers. CSR activities produced four political goods, namely public image, technical expertise, social capital and indebtedness, which were identified as the mechanisms by which CSR contributed to CPP. The impacts of CSR activities on CPP were three-fold: CSR strengthened the privileged structural position of companies; helped them gain easier access to policy-makers; and this privileged access gave companies more opportunities to influence regulatory outcomes. The key theoretical contribution of the thesis is a processual model that illustrates how CSR contributes to CPP. There are also implications for practice. CSR activities are velvet curtains that hide the operationalisation of political power. The social and political implications call for the attention of government officials who favour a neoliberal doctrine for the promotion of CSR to business.

O papel desempenhado pelo Poder Judiciário nos mais diversos Estados passa por sensível evolução ao longo do século XX, à medida que se desenvolveram os sistemas de controle de constitucionalidade. De um lado, os atores políticos assumem especial importância nesse processo. Os modelos de revisão judicial foram reforçados, no mais das vezes, em paralelo à positivação, em âmbito constitucional, de um amplo rol de direitos fundamentais e de princípios balizadores e limitadores do poder estatal. Com isso, os elementos cotejados no processo legislativo de tomada de decisões políticas são revestidos de status constitucional e transportados para o discurso argumentativo do Direito, o que leva a um processo de judicialização da Política que permite que a atividade legiferante seja passível de confronto perante instâncias judiciárias. Os instrumentos de controle de constitucionalidade assumem, assim, novos contornos, permitindo que o Judiciário interfira no conteúdo das escolhas políticas feitas pela maioria governante. De outro lado, o Poder Judiciário particularmente as Cortes Constitucionais passa a assumir a corresponsabilidade na efetivação das metas e compromissos estatais, com o que desenvolve uma política institucional mais proativa e comprometida com a concretização substancial de valores democráticos, interferindo, assim, de maneira mais incisiva e rígida no controle do processo político. A definição de políticas fundamentais e o processo legiferante passam a contar com constante participação do Judiciário. Na realidade brasileira, a Constituição de 1988 amplia as competência do Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de controle de constitucionalidade, inserindo o órgão de maneira efetiva nesse contexto de intervenção judicial na Política. A última década, por sua vez, marcou uma perceptível mudança em sua atividade e em sua interferência no processo de tomada de decisões políticas pelos demais Poderes. Valendo-se dos diversos instrumentos de controle que lhe são disponibilizados, assumiu o compromisso de participar na efetivação dos preceitos constitucionais pátrios mediante a revisão do conteúdo normativo decorrente das escolhas políticas tomadas em outras instâncias. Desse modo, tornou-se verdadeiro copartícipe do processo de definição de políticas legislativas nacionais, seja rechaçando normas que repute inconstitucionais, seja proferindo decisões com claros efeitos normativos que buscam readequar e conformar as escolhas dos atores políticos. Nesse processo decisório, entra em jogo a intensidade com que a Corte busca impor sua visão e suas concepções no tocante à efetivação e concretização dos compromissos constitucionais. A sobreposição de ponderações judiciais e legislativas acarreta, a seu turno, importantes efeitos sistêmicos ao diálogo interinstitucional que se desenvolve entre os Poderes, em especial no que concerne à distribuição das funções estatais dentro das premissas democráticas e ao dimensionamento do papel que compete a cada um dos Poderes no processo de efetivação e proteção da Constituição. / The role played by the Judiciary Branch in the several different States has undergone a sensible evolution throughout the 20th century to the extent that the judicial review systems develop. On the one side, the political actors assume special importance in this process. The models of judicial review have been reinforced, often times, in parallel with the enactment, in the constitutional level, of an ample list of fundamental rights and principles governing and limiting the state power. Therefore, the elements collated in the legislative process of taking political decisions are vested with constitutional status and transported to the argumentative discourse of Law, which leads to a process of judicialization of politics that allows the legislative activity to be subject to confrontation with judiciary instances. The instruments of judicial review assume, therefore, new contours allowing the Judiciary to interfere in the content of the political choices made by the governing majority. On the other side, the Judiciary Branch, and particularly the Constitutional Courts, begins to assume the co-responsibility in the effectiveness of the state goals and undertakings, resulting in the development of an institutional policy more proactive and committed to the substantial concretization of democratic values, thus interfering, in a more incisive and rigid manner, in the control of the political process. The definition of fundamental policies and the lawmaking process start to count with the participation of the Judiciary. In the Brazilian reality, the 1988 Constitution has enlarged the competence of the Brazilian Supreme Court in matters of judicial review, inserting this organ in an effective manner in the context of judicial intervention in politics. The last decade, in turn, has marked a perceptible change in its activity and in its interference in the process of decision-making political decisions by the remainder Branches of the State. By using the diverse instruments of control available to it, it has assumed the undertaking to participate in the effectiveness of the national constitutional principles by means of the review of the normative content arising from the political choices made in other instances. Therefore, it has become a true co-participant in the process of defining national legislative policy, be it by rejecting norms which it reputes unconstitutional, or by enacting decisions with clear normative effects that seek to realign and conform the choices of the political actors. In this decision-making process, comes into play the intensity with which the Court seeks to impose its view and its conceptions regarding the effectiveness and concretization of the constitutional undertakings. The overlap of judicial and legislative considerations triggers, in its turn, important systemic effects in the inter-institutions dialogue developing among the Branches, particularly with regard to the distribution of the state functions within the democratic premises and the dimension of the role played by each Branch in the effectiveness and protection of the Constitution.

This is a study of approaches to fisheries management in the United Kingdom (UK) between 1945 and 1996. It examines the choices and incentives faced by UK Governments when designing policy instruments to deliver international commitments to sustainable fishing. The failure of international agreements to sustainably manage fisheries resources is often attributed to international institutions, the politicization of negotiations and their distributive outcomes. This thesis makes an original contribution by arguing that the success of international agreements was also dependent upon local negotiations that shaped the design of national delivery mechanisms. The central research question concerns the role and influence of local interests in delivering global economic and environmental agendas and how national governments accommodate local tensions within this process. A sustained content analysis of UK Government archives is used to argue that local political and sectional industry interests had a significant bearing on the development of UK fisheries policy and the design of domestic delivery mechanisms. The exception was UK policy on the international distribution of fisheries resources at the United Nations Law of the Sea Conferences (1958, 1960 and 1973-82). Economic considerations drove early environmental policy with sectional fishing industry interests of secondary importance to the potential economic benefits associated with the more valuable energy resources. In then seeking to implement controls on fishing activity, this thesis argues that UK fisheries management mechanisms were designed to compensate for tension between global commitments mandating a reduction in fishing effort and the local fleets and communities that had to bear the costs of industry contraction. This created a policy-making environment in which social and political motivations continually trumped the application of economic and scientific advice. This advice advocated a contraction in the size of the fleet which had become necessary as technical change and falling stocks resulted in overcapacity. The use of fisheries policy as a political tool to ease local tensions incentivised policy choices that directly contributed to the UK's failure to reduce fishing pressure and deliver international commitments. This thesis demonstrates the importance of local negotiations and interests in the construction of national and international approaches to environmental and natural resources problems.

本論文基本上係在對冷戰後中日兩國關係演變上的中日兩國對對方國家政策取向之具體探討 根據實際資料分析研判 歸納現有問題與窒礙之處 並且探究可能之改進之道與發展趨勢其主要內容第一 回顧自第二次世界大戰以後之中日關係 而歸結其政治關係趨向 經濟關係趨向及政治與經濟之間的關係 第二 加以分析臺灣的對日政策之各因素 和日本對台政策的各項因素 如國際體系國際關係 社會 政府及個人等因素 第三 綜合上述分析 究明如所前述的因素之間的關係 及結構性質 最後根據這些分析展望未來的中日關係

The bond between the state and education has become stronger due to expended role and control of the state over education especially in the 21st century. Control of the state on education is embodied in educational policies which are the apparatus of modern states used to shape the education system in accordance with the basic interests and values of the society. However, educational policy is a complex, dynamic and multi-tiered concept that is formulated in a diverse sociopolitical system. Understanding the context and the dynamics of educational policy making is required to understand the dynamics of any educational system. This study aimed to investigate the formulation process of educational policies in Turkey and the U.S. through the perceptions of key actors in policy making process. On a broader perspective, this study tried to examine how certain issues became the agenda of the governments, how educational policies were formulated, under what conditions, in which context, and by which agents (persons or groups). For this purpose a qualitative comparative case study design was applied. Two specific policy initiatives of teacher education and teacher quality policies in Turkey (Career Ladders for Teachers, 2005) and Wisconsin, U.S. (Teacher Education Program Approval and Licenses: PI34, 2000) were focused as cases. Data were collected through in-depth interviews and document analysis. Seven key policy makers in each case were interviewed, and primary and secondary documents related to policies were collected. A descriptive, analytical and comparative approach was followed during the data analysis and interpretation. Results of this study showed that policy formulation process in education in two countries is highly complex and under the influence of various factors which determine the policy context in which the policy is developed. Policy context, in both countries, is intertwined by political, economic, social and international factors as well as the culture, values, beliefs, experience, variety and number of the policy actors. Policy process in Turkey, on the account of CLT, can be described as more politicized, and bureaucratic, more straightforward without policy games, and serious conflicts among the policy actors, yet more constrained, top-down, closed, government oriented and elitist process in which democratic procedures were ignored. Wisconsin, on the other hand, demonstrates a more complex policy contexts nested in different levels of government and high number of interest and pressure groups competing with each other, and based on consensus building and participation in within the realms of pluralist tradition.